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打破一口大酱缸 - 老子直说:道是什么 2019-05-29 05:57:19

打破一口大酱缸 - 老子直说:道是什么

 

老子《道德经》开门见山地说:道可道,非常道。

2500年了,人们说“可以说的道,就不是那永恒的道”。

近代的道学的学者专家,主要是按照《老子新译》的《老子今注今》,

在囫囵吞枣、胡说八道、以误传误。

 

这批道学专家、网红,是中国哲学大酱缸”里面的“道学精英”。他们包括了:

(1)翟鴻:《道德经》

(2)马叔礼:《道德经》的智慧

(3)李中华: 解说《道德经》

(4)曾仕强:《道德经》的奥秘

(5)傅佩荣: 向老子问道、智慧的老子

(6)贡华南: 老子《道德经》(第1章)

(7)郭永进、、空海大師:老子《道德经》心声、老子《道德经》智慧与

(8)于丹: 心解《道德

(9)王东岳: 中西哲学启蒙课

(10)王宏印:老子《道德》英

 

无知的、但是很努力的老外,也掉进了这个“大酱缸”里面:

Schipper and Verellen: The Taoist Cannon (道藏的英译)

 

其实,2500年前,老子已经是近代物理学(modern physics)的前瞻者、老祖宗。

 

老子在GUTUL 在amazon.com 出版的 Thus Speaks Laozi 《老子直说》里面,

是这样地解释、说明“道”和“大”的。

https://www.amazon.com/Thus-Speaks-Laozi-GUTUL/dp/0999776061/ref=sr_1_3?keywords=gutul&qid=1558359117&s=gateway&sr=8-3

 

老子清楚地知道,宇宙是由 物质substance 和 空间space 组成的。

 

老子清楚地知道,

(1)物质的本性 substance being in itself

是“变化 changing”是“形变 change in form”,是“道”;

(2)空间的本性 space being in itself

是“不变 unchanging”,是“性不变 no change in nature”,是“大、大道”;

(3)宇宙的本性 the Universe being in itself

是“变而不变 change in form and no change in nature”,是“常道”。

 

老子清楚地定义,

(1)物质的自身 substance being as itself 是“地”;

(2)空间的自身 space being as itself 是“天”;

(3)宇宙的自身是“天地”。

 

老子清楚地说:

【1】有物混成,先天地生。

在“天地(宇宙的自身)”之前,有两样东西,混在一起。

 

【2】有物混成,其一:周行而不殆,可以天地母。吾不知其名,字之曰:道。

那不停地在运行(在动、在变)的“物质的本性”,是宇宙(天地)之母。

那不停地在运行(在动、在变)的“物质的本性”,我勉强地,叫它做“道”。

 

【3】有物混成,其二:独立而不改,强为之名曰:大。大曰逝,逝曰曰反。

那独立、不变的“空间的本性”,我勉强地,叫它做“大”。

那独立、不变的“空间的本性” ,又“大”,又“逝 disappearing” “,又“远 distant”,又“反 opposite”。反什么?反于那“变”的“物质的本性”。

 

【4】人法地。

人、人的自身 human being as itself,follows 物质的自身 substance being as itself。

 

【5】地法天。

地、物质的自身 substance being as itself,follows 天、空间的自身 space being as itself。

 

【6】天法道。

天、空间的自身 space being as itself,follows 道、物质的本性 substance being in itself。

 

【7】道法自然。

道、物质的本性 substance being in itself,follows自然、宇宙的本性 the Universe being in itself。“自然”,就是“自己如是”,就是“being in itself”。

 

所以,老子《道德经》的第二十五章,这么说:

有物混成,先天地生。寂兮寥兮,独立而不改,周行而不殆,可以天地母。吾不知其名,字之曰:道,强为之名曰:大。大曰逝,逝曰曰反。故道大,天大,地大,人亦大。域中有四大,而人居其一焉。人法地,地法天,天法道,道法自然。

 

老子是近代物理学(modern physics)的前瞻者、老祖宗。

 

老子清楚地知道:我们脑子里面“想”的“道”,不是那永恒的“道”。

Our consciousness of the Universe being in itself ≠ the Universe being in itself

 

老子清楚地知道:我们脑子里面“想”的“名”,不是那永恒的“名”。

Our consciousness of xxx being as itself ≠ xxx being as itself

xxx is everything that comes to our heads

Our consciousness of xxx being as itself是“名可名”,是老子所说的“万物”。

“万物”在无知的“道学大酱缸”里面,被一致地当成了“ten thousand physical beings”。

 

老子实在是看不过去、忍不住了;直接地出来,说说到底“道”和“名”是什么。

 

请等待 - 老子直说:名是什么。

 

老子是后近代哲学(post-modern philosophy)的前瞻者、老祖宗。

老子用“名可名,非常名”,就把所谓的“本体论”、“认知论”、现象学,说完了。


“本体论”和“认知论”是 ontology 和 epistemology 的误译;

Ontology 和 epistemology 里面,何“论”之有?

把 ontology 和 epistemology 都翻译错了,是中国哲学界大酱缸”的另一例子。

 

Epistemology是 a study of knowledge,是“知识学”。

Ontology是 a study of being,是“being学”。


那么,什么是 being 呢?那可是中国哲学界的另外一口“大酱缸”了。

想清清楚楚、明明白白地了解 being,请等待 - 老子直说:名是什么。






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问题不在中国,在美国 2019-05-29 03:55:02

问题不在中国,在美国

China is not the source of our economic problems -- corporate greed is

May 27, 2019

By Jeffrey Sachs

 

Jeffrey Sachs is a professor and director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University. The opinions expressed here are those of the author.

 

China is not an enemy. It is a nation trying to raise its living standards through education, international trade, infrastructure investment, and improved technologies. In short, it is doing what any country should do when confronted with the historical reality of being poor and far behind more powerful countries. Yet the Trump administration is now aiming to stop China's development, which could prove to be disastrous for both the United States and the entire world.

 

China is being made a scapegoat for rising inequality in the United States. While US trade relations with China have been mutually beneficial over the years, some US workers have been left behind, notably Midwestern factory workers facing competition due to rising productivity and comparatively low (though rising) labor costs in China. Instead of blaming China for this normal phenomenon of market competition, we should be taxing the soaring corporate profits of our own multinational corporations and using the revenues to help working-class households, rebuild crumbling infrastructure, promote new job skills and invest in cutting-edge science and technology.

 

We should understand that China is merely trying to make up for lost time after a very long period of geopolitical setbacks and related economic failures. Here is important historical background that is useful to understand China's economic development in the past 40 years.


In 1839, Britain attacked China because it refused to allow British traders to continue providing Chinese people with addictive opium. Britain prevailed, and the humiliation of China's defeat in the First Opium War, ending in 1842, contributed in part to a mass uprising against the Qing Dynasty called the Taiping Rebellion that ended up causing more than 20 million deaths. A Second Opium War against Britain and France ultimately led to the continued erosion of China's power and internal stability.

 

Toward the end of the 19th century, China lost a war to the newly industrializing Japan, and was subjected to yet more one-sided demands by Europe and the United States for trade. These humiliations led to another rebellion, followed by yet another defeat, at the hands of foreign powers.

 

China's Qing Dynasty fell in 1911, after which China quickly succumbed to warlords, internal strife and Japan's invasion of China beginning in 1931. The end of World War II was followed by civil war, the creation of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and then the upheavals of Maoism, including millions of deaths from famine in the Great Leap Forward, which ended in the early 1960s, and the mass destabilization of the Cultural Revolution and its aftermath until 1977.

 

China's rapid development on a market basis therefore started only in 1978, when Deng Xiaoping came to power and launched sweeping economic reforms. While China has seen incredible growth in the past four decades, the legacy of more than a century of poverty, instability, invasion and foreign threats still looms large. Chinese leaders would like to get things right this time, and that means they are unwilling to bow to the United States or other Western powers again.

 

China is now the second-largest economy in the world, when GDP is measured at market prices. Yet it is a country still in the process of catching up from poverty. In 1980, according to IMF data, China's GDP per capita was a mere 2.5% of the United States, and by 2018 had reached only 15.3% of the US level. When GDP is measured in purchasing-power-parity terms, by using a common set of "international prices" to value GDP in all countries, China's income per capita in 2018 was a bit higher at 28.9% of the United States.

 

China has roughly followed the same development strategy as Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore before it. From an economic standpoint, it is not doing anything particularly unusual for a country that is playing catch up. The constant US refrain that China "steals" technologies is highly simplistic.

 

Countries that are lagging behind upgrade their technologies in many ways, through study, imitation, purchases, mergers, foreign investments, extensive use of off-patent knowledge and, yes, copying. And with any fast-changing technologies, there are always running battles over intellectual property. That's true even among US companies today -- this kind of competition is simply a part of the global economic system. Technology leaders know they shouldn't count on keeping their lead through protection, but through continued innovation.

 

The United States relentlessly adopted British technologies in the early 19th century. And when any country wants to close a technology gap, it recruits know-how from abroad. The US ballistic missile program, as it is well known, was built with the help of former Nazi rocket scientists recruited to the United States after World War II.

 

If China were a less populous Asian country, say like South Korea, with a little more than 50 million people, it would simply be hailed by the United States as a great development success story -- which it is. But because it is so big, China refutes America's pretensions to run the world. The United States, after all, is a mere 4.2% of the world's population, less than a fourth of China's. The truth is that neither country is in a position to dominate the world today, as technologies and know-how are spreading more quickly across the globe than ever before.


Trade with China provides the United States with low-cost consumer goods and increasingly high-quality products. It also causes job losses in sectors such as manufacturing that compete directly with China. That is how trade works. To accuse China of unfairness in this is wrong -- plenty of American companies have reaped the benefits of manufacturing in China or exporting goods there. And US consumers enjoy higher living standards as a result of China's low-cost goods. The US and China should continue to negotiate and develop improved rules for bilateral and multilateral trade instead of stoking a trade war with one-sided threats and over-the-top accusations.

 

The most basic lesson of trade theory, practice and policy is not to stop trade -- which would lead to falling living standards, economic crisis and conflict. Instead, we should share the benefits of economic growth so that the winners who benefit compensate the losers.

Yet under American capitalism, which has long strayed from the cooperative spirit of the New Deal era, today's winners flat-out reject sharing their winnings. As a result of this lack of sharing, American politics are fraught with conflicts over trade. Greed comprehensively dominates Washington policies.

 

The real battle is not with China but with America's own giant companies, many of which are raking in fortunes while failing to pay their own workers decent wages. America's business leaders and the mega-rich push for tax cuts, more monopoly power and offshoring -- anything to make a bigger profit -- while rejecting any policies to make American society fairer.

 

Trump is lashing out against China, ostensibly believing that it will once again bow to a Western power. It is willfully trying to crush successful companies like Huawei by changing the rules of international trade abruptly and unilaterally. China has been playing by Western rules for the past 40 years, gradually catching up the way that America's Asian allies did in the past. Now the United States is trying to pull the rug out from under China by launching a new Cold War. Unless some greater wisdom prevails, we could spin toward conflict with China, first economically, then geopolitically and militarily, with utter disaster for all. There will be no winners in such a conflict. Yet such is the profound shallowness and corruption of US politics today that we are on such a path.

 

A trade war with China won't solve our economic problems. Instead we need homegrown solutions: affordable health care, better schools, modernized infrastructure, higher minimum wages and a crackdown on corporate greed. In the process, we would also learn that we have far more to gain through cooperation with China rather than reckless and unfair provocation.





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RACISM和中美关系 2019-05-19 16:32:35

RACISM和中美关系

 

刚看了百老汇的 To Kill A Mockingbird (TKAM)。

TKAM讲的是發生在美國南方大蕭條期間的故事。

 

90年过了,白人有色人nothing has changed。

去,无罪的黑人,在没有证据的情况下,全是白人的陪审团,判罪入狱,然后谋杀。

现在,任何有色的个人、组织,白人国家不宣战,单面制裁,就搞死你;

白色人民傻乎乎的,还摇旗呐喊。

 

种族主义几乎完全地绑架了白人的政党、白人的宗教、白人的良知。

 

1940年代,子不笨、心也不坏的日耳曼人,完全被希特勒的种族主义绑架。

 

历史在重演吗?

 

把TKAM里面引人深思的一些白,和您分享。

 

Simply because we were licked a hundred years before we started is no reason for us not to try to win. 就因为我们被侮辱了一百年,我们应该继续被侮辱霸凌吗?

 

You just hold your head high and keep those fists down. Try fighting with your head for a change. 收起拳,抬起;取之以智。

 

I think there is just one kind of folks. FOLKS.

人类里面只有一个人种,那就是人。

这就命运共同体的主旨。

 



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