as he does when he talks about his plan to stop ISIS.
"He has been doing this for a very long time as a
salesman — that’s what he is best at," Lakoff says.
People understand Trump on an emotional level
Trump’s style proved to be successful — he beat
out a highly competitive field of lifelong Republicans
and a seasoned politician in Hillary Clinton. He's
confident enough to address large crowds
conversationally and ad-lib on stage.
That said, his rise can’t be attributed purely to his
speaking style. It certainly has a lot to do with
what he is actually saying. "If the content were
different, I think it would come across as rambling
and flabby and ineffective," Liberman says.
In other words, when Trump’s audience finishes his
sentences for him, the blanks are filled with sentiments
that resonate: fears of joblessness, worries about the
United States losing its status as a major world power,
concerns about foreign terrorist organizations. Trump
validates their insecurities and justifies their anger.
He connects on an emotional level, Du Mez says.
"For listeners who identify with Trump, there is little
they need to do but claim what they’re entitled to,
" she says. "No need for sacrifice, for compromise,
for complexity. He taps into fear and insecurity, but
then enables his audience to express that fear
through anger. And anger gives the illusion of
empowerment."
That doesn’t mean it will translate to effective
leadership, however. As much as the American
people look for authenticity and spontaneity in a
president, which Trump seems to have mastered,
they are also known to value discipline.
"Leadership is hard; it needs discipline, concentration,
and an ability to ignore what's irrelevant or needless
or personal or silly," Pullum says. "There is no sign
of it from Trump. This man talks honestly enough
that you can see what he's like: He's an undisciplined
narcissist who craves power but doesn't have the
intellectual capacity to exercise it wisely."
Have We Ever Had a President Like
Donald Trump?
Yes, we have—but you have to go
back to the nineteenth century.
从前我们有过像唐纳德·川普这样的总统吗？
还真有过，那得从十九世纪说起
BY JOSHUA KENDALL March 25, 2016
He is the presidential candidate with no filter, a man
compelled to reveal all the thoughts that pop into his
head—no matter how violent or crude—including his
sexual fantasies about his own daughter. While many
have accused Donald Trump of having an abnormally
large ego, the opposite is true: His ego happens to be
so small that it is barely able to control any of the
rumblings of his own id. Whenever Trump feels
slighted, he finds it necessary to start a holy war—with
Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly, the world’s 1.5 billion
Muslims, or even Pope Francis himself. Simply put,
he does not bond with the rest of humankind. He may
know everyone who is anyone, but he has few real
friends. As MSNBC’s Joe Scarborough recently told
The New York Times, “I have known this guy for a
decade and have never once had lunch with him alone?”
Trump trusts hardly anyone besides his third wife, his
children, and his lackeys. He’s a suspicious loner who
has convinced himself that he has little need for
advisers. As he said earlier this month, before finally
naming a handful of unfamiliar, press-averse foreign
policy advisers, “I’m speaking with myself.”
Have Americans ever placed anyone with the curious
characterological make-up of the Donald in the White
House before? To find comparable presidents, we have
to go back to the nineteenth century: John Adams, John
Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson and John Tyler. While
these four nineteenth-century presidents were all more
qualified than Trump to set foot in the White House—
each had previously served in a high-elective office—
they did share his reckless temperament. This history
lesson should make Americans wary of Trump, as three
of the four were doomed to unsuccessful one-term
presidencies.
美国人有没有把任何人与唐纳德在好奇的性格组成的白宫？
为了找到可比的总统，我们必须回到十九世纪：约翰·亚当斯，
约翰·昆西亚当斯，安德鲁·杰克逊和约翰·泰勒。 虽然这四个
十九世纪的总统比特朗普更有资格进入白宫 - 每个人以前曾
在一个高选择性的办公室工作 - 他们分享了他的鲁莽的气质。
这个历史课应该使美国人警惕特朗普，因为四个人中有三个
注定失败的一个任期的主席。
Though John Adams was an intellectual powerhouse, his fiery disposition caused him problems throughout his political career. As biographer John Ferling has noted, “Adams’s great failing seemed to be his volcanic temper, which could explode with such suddenness and so little provocation that some of his colleagues feared that passion occasionally eclipsed reason.” At the Continental Congress, fellow delegates liked to pick Adams’s brain, but they saw him as too unstable to be a leader. Thus, the admission of Adams’s character in the musical 1776 that he was too “obnoxious and disliked” to draft the Declaration of Independence hews closely to reality. As president, Adams exhibited a Trump-like contempt for his cabinet, most of whom disagreed strongly with his policies. And like Trump, the only advisor Adams ever took seriously was a member of his own family: his wife, Abigail. In early 1800, Secretary of War James McHenry resigned in the wake of a vicious tirade by the president. In writing of the incident to a family member, McHenry described Adams as “totally insane.” Adams also had little tolerance for dissenters in the media. On the ninth anniversary of the storming of the Bastille, he signed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which punished journalists who made what were deemed “false, scandalous and malicious” statements against government officials with both hefty fines and prison sentences. While Adams tried to pass off this draconian measure as the handiwork of his fellow Federalist Alexander Hamilton, the former treasury secretary considered it an act of tyranny; Hamilton also argued that an “ungovernable temper” made Adams unfit to govern. American voters apparently agreed: Adams lost the election of 1800 to Thomas Jefferson by 23 points.
Adams’s eldest son, John Quincy, had an even harder time getting along with his fellow man. As our sixth president wrote in his diary, “my political adversaries [call me] a gloomy misanthropist; and my personal enemies, an unsocial savage.” Biographer Paul Nagel, describes him as “notorious for his harshness, tactlessness and even rudeness.” Like Trump, who was once a Democrat, Adams had no use for party loyalty. His only allegiance was to himself. As a young Federalist senator from Massachusetts, he repeatedly sided with the Democratic-Republicans; the Federalist party honchos were greatly relieved when he resigned his seat in 1808. This undiplomatic man turned out to be a good diplomat, but his success had more to do with his towering intellect than his people skills. As the chief negotiator of the Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812, he managed to get the Brits to agree to accept the status quo ante bellum (though he was unable to maintain
cordial relations with fellow U.S. delegates such as Albert Gallatin, the treasury secretary under Jefferson). And as James Monroe’s two-term secretary of state, he authored the Monroe Doctrine. But his presidency was a disaster. As Gallatin observed, the temperamental Adams lacked “that most essential quality—a sound and correct judgment.” On the domestic front, he launched a host of ambitious proposals—including a national university and a vast network of roads and canals—but he refused to curry favor to build support for them. Pennsylvanian Congressman Samuel Ingram noted in the last year of Adams’s administration, “[The president] has always been hostile to the government and particularly to its great bulwark—the right of suffrage.” In his bid for re-election in 1828, Adams was trounced by Andrew Jackson, who earned more than twice as many electoral votes.
The ten-year-old John Tyler bound and gagged his schoolmaster, whom he left for dead.
Just as a second-grade Donald Trump punched his music teacher, the ten-year-old John Tyler bound and gagged his schoolmaster, whom he left for dead. And like Trump, our tenth president was not only combative, but lusty; he, too, liked to fling around sexually explicit language. In his first speech on the floor of the House, the 26-year-old Virginia congressman compared popularity to “a coquette—the more you woo her, the more she is apt to elude your embrace.” In 1844, a couple of years after the death of his first wife, Tyler, then in his final year in the White House, married a raven-haired beauty with an hourglass figure, Julia Gardiner, who was 30 years his junior. For the rest of his life, Tyler would brag about his sexual prowess, noting, for example, after the birth of their fifth child, that at least his name would not “become extinct.” Within a few months of assuming the presidency after the sudden death of William Henry Harrison in April 1841, the headstrong former vice president who demanded absolute allegiance from his political allies alienated just about everyone in Washington. That September, after he twice vetoed banking legislation that he had promised to sign, five of his six cabinet members tendered their resignations. Suddenly, the former Whig was, as the influential Senator Henry Clay put it, “a president without a party.” Hardly anyone came to Tyler’s defense. That fall, future president Millard Fillmore, then a Whig Congressman from upstate New York, noted, “I have heard of but two Tyler men in this city [Buffalo]…and both of these are applicants for jobs.” In 1844, Tyler had to create his own party to mount a re-election bid, but when he found few takers, he was forced to drop out of the race.
Andrew Jackson, who served for two terms in between John Quincy Adams and Tyler, was the one fiery president who ranks high in polls taken by historians. Like Trump and Tyler, the young Jackson liked to punch people out, and rage attacks would remain a constant throughout his life. As one biographer put it, “He could hate with a Biblical fury and would resort to petty and vindictive acts to nurture his hatred and keep it bright and strong and ferocious.” Of his brief career as a senator from Tennessee in the late 1790s, Thomas Jefferson observed, “He could never speak on account of the rashness of his feelings.” But over time, Jackson gained more self-control and most historians insist that what enabled Jackson to thrive as the country’s leader was his ability to harness his anger to good effect. Jackson’s strong-armed tactics led to his major accomplishments as president. When southerners tried to get around the “Tariff of Abominations” by invoking their right to nullify federal laws, Jackson put his foot down, declaring, “Disunion by armed force is treason,” and threatened punitive measures. He also pushed through legislation that gave him the power to use the military to collect import duties. “Again and again at crucial moments of his public life,” concluded biographer HW Brands, “Jackson carried the day because opponents were terrified of his temper.” Jackson was constantly threatening to let his wrath loose on his opponents—and because of his record of getting carried away in duels and brawls, everyone was forced to listen to him carefully.
Trump has no such equivalent in more recent American history. Even our most labile twentieth-century presidents had enough sense to keep their rage attacks private. According to Evan Thomas’s Ike’s Bluff, when President Dwight Eisenhower (aka “the Terrible-Tempered Mr. Bang”) told aides that his mother had taught him how to control his emotions, they would respond sotto voce, “And she didn’t do a very good job.” But Ike was self-aware enough to hire his son, John, as his Assistant Staff Secretary in his second term. In John’s presence, Ike would give himself permission to lose it, figuring that he would thus be able to keep himself in check the rest of the time—a strategy that was largely successful. In 1965,in discussing the situation in Cyprus, Lyndon Johnson did tell the Greek ambassador to the US to “f…your constitution.” But for the most part, LBJ tended to confine his potty-mouthed rages to his private discussions with White House insiders such as those he held from his perch on the potty. Likewise, Richard Nixon could not stop going off on paranoid rants against “disloyal” Jews and other political enemies, but most Americans did not find out about this dark side until the release of his Oval Office tapes. Trump hasn’t even secured the Republican nomination, and already he makes both LBJ and Nixon seem prudish.
The 60 most commonly used words by Donald Trump are:
唐纳德·川普最常使用的60个英语单词：
Going 2271 Times
Know 1608 Times
People 1504 Times
Want 911 Times
Think 753 Times
Great 728 Times
Right 608 Times
Country 556 Times
Lot 453 Times
Money 438 Times
Look 435 Times
Good 407 Times
Mean 395 Times
Way 391 Times
Make 375 Times
Really 367 Times
Love 339 Times
Time 331 Times
Doing 331 Times
Trump 321 Times
Tell 315 Times
Win 314 Times
Big 304 Times
Thing 280 Times
Things 273 Times
Believe 271 Times
World 257 Times
Okay 256 Times
Come 255 Times
Deal 249 Times
Everybody 246 Times
Guy 246 Times
China 243 Times
Years 226 Times
Million 225 Times
Thank 220 Times
President 211 Times
Wall 211 Times
Happen 199 Times
Talk 199 Times
Number 190 Times
Actually 186 Times
Talking 182 Times
America 181 Times
Mexico 177 Times
Little 167 Times
Saying 166 Times
Trade 164 Times
Hillary 160 Times
States 159 Times
Better 155 Times
Incredible 147 Times
Remember 147 Times
Person 147 Times
Problem 143 Times
Amazing 142 Times
Probably 140 Times
Billion 140 Times
Tremendous 136 Times
Somebody 135 Times
Linguistic Analysis: Donald Trump Talks Like a 4th Grader
语言学角度分析：说话像个9岁孩子、四年级小学生的唐纳德·川普
What Happens When You Ask Donald Trump Real Questions?
当你严肃地询问唐纳德·川普同志一个正经问题 ......
川普說話的藝術 ( 中文字幕 )
Geoff James Nugent (born 14 February 1977),known professionally as Jim Jefferies
(and previously Jim Jeffries), is an Australian stand-up comedian, actor, and writer.
他他他，不是只会使用小破词儿、不会炫英语词汇量高达400,000丘吉尔式 sesquipedalian 高大帅词汇的问题。你看他思维逻辑、表达方式、阐述想法、回答问题，不说 too young, too simple，不说简单直白、漫无边际、语无伦次、颠三倒四，就说他够粗、够愣、够拽、够扯、够蛮、够横的。
