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平息反革命暴乱未遂齐奥海外华人想念您! 2018-06-04 16:56:01

1989平息反革命暴乱未遂之中国党亲密战友齐奥塞 美利坚革命华人想念您 

                ——   绝对的权力导致绝对的腐败 

        罗马尼亚总统齐奥塞斯库覆亡教训  文|刘郴山

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作者:公孙明11  留言时间:2018-06-04 19:18:03


人死了,当然众恶皆归之。死人是不会跟你计较的。自古皆然!

(《 日人民报 》)去骂骂沙皇吧,齐奥塞比它差远啦!


人死了,当然众恶皆归之。死人是不会跟你计较的。自古皆然!

(《 日人民报 》)去骂骂沙皇吧,齐奥塞比它差远啦!


人死了,当然众恶皆归之。死人是不会跟你计较的。自古皆然!

(《 日人民报 》)去骂骂沙皇吧,齐奥塞比它差远啦!


      中共中央中央机关报《人民日报》旗下 人民网  2010年09月07日16:17  

http://www.people.com.cn/GB/198221/198819/198859/12660426.html

http://www.people.com.cn/GB/198221/198819/198859/12660426.html

    1989年12月25日,西方传统的圣诞节,罗马尼亚南部登博维察县兵营厕所前一块空地上,狼狈不堪的罗马尼亚总统齐奥塞斯库高呼:“自由和独立的罗马尼亚万岁!”随后,他的夫人埃列娜唱起了《国际歌》,“起来,饥寒交迫的奴隶,起来,全世界受苦的人……”

  这不是庆祝佳节的欢呼,而是临刑前最后的“呐喊”。在行刑队指挥官尚未赶到的情况下,持枪士兵开枪了,齐奥塞斯库倒地,后脑勺撞在了厕所的墙上,死后仍睁着双眼。埃列娜则头部中弹,脑浆外溢,鲜血不住地往外流……

  昔日无限风光的国家元首,何以死于非命?千因万果,归根结底,都是腐败惹的祸。

Image result for æˉ›æ3½ä¸œä¼šè§é½å¥¥å¡žæ–ˉåo“        从农民子弟到腐败元首

  1918年,齐奥塞斯库出生在罗马尼亚一个农民家庭,在兄弟姐妹10人中,他排行第三,长大后当过学徒、鞋匠和铁路工人。15岁时,齐奥塞斯库加入了当时还处于地下的罗马尼亚共产党,21岁成为罗马尼亚共青团书记,积极投身反对法西斯的斗争,曾多次被捕,被关押在有“罗马尼亚巴士底”之称的多夫塔纳监狱达五年之久。

  在多年的革命洗礼中,齐奥塞斯库先后当选为罗共中央候补委员、中央委员和政治局委员。1965年3月,罗马尼亚最高领导人乔治乌•德治病逝,47岁的齐奥塞斯库当选为罗共中央第一书记,当年,罗马尼亚通过新宪法,改国名为罗马尼亚社会主义共和国。

  刚上台时,齐奥塞斯库工作颇为谨慎。1968年苏联出兵入侵捷克斯洛伐克,以齐奥塞斯库为首的罗马尼亚共产党政府坚决反对,同时加强了军事准备,并在全国成立了大规模的民兵组织——“爱国卫队”。齐奥塞斯库坚持独立、反对外来干涉的立场受到全国的拥护,在国际上也得到了赞许和支持。

  从20世纪70年代起,齐奥塞斯库开始居功自傲,越来越专横跋扈。1971年,后来成为罗马尼亚总统的伊利埃斯库在国家发展等“意识形态”问题上,提出了与齐奥塞斯库相反的意见,结果被贬到地方当出版社社长。1974年,在齐奥塞斯库导演下,罗马尼亚实行总统制,齐奥塞斯库作为总统,由此拥有了直接颁布法律、任免政府成员的大权。

  此后一直到下台被杀,齐奥塞斯库一人兼任了罗马尼亚共产党中央总书记、共和国总统、国防委员会主席、武装部队最高统帅、爱国卫队总司令、经济和社会发展最高委员会主席等党政军最高职务,成了主宰一切的绝对权威。由此罗马尼亚事无巨细,一切均由他一人说了算,甚至一平方米种多少株玉米也要他来拍板。

  齐奥塞斯库本人曾历经苦难,小时候经常打着赤脚,在村里念小学时买不起课本,只能借用别人的书,放学后还要去地主家打小工,勉强念完小学后,就离家当了童工,独自谋生。因此,当他1965年上台执政时,比较注意深入群众,体察民情,全国的城市农村,几乎都留下了他的足迹。但就是这样一个穷苦出身的人,自从有了不受约束和监督的绝对权力之后,竟过起了帝王般的奢侈生活,迈向了骄奢腐败的不归路。

  为了个人享受,齐奥塞斯库在文物保护单位──原罗马尼亚国王的夏宫旁修建了自己的别墅,夏宫因此停止对外开放。他的住处不仅周围戒备森严,外出时乘车经过的路段也都实行戒严,禁止其他车辆通行。

  齐奥塞斯库还在全国各县都至少有一个别墅、招待所或狩猎木屋。在众多的“行宫”中,利用率最高的要数位于黑海海滨的海王星休养站和首都布加勒斯特北郊的斯纳科夫别墅。每年夏季,齐奥塞斯库都在海王星休养站办公并接待外宾,为此这里也有了“夏季首都”之称。许多外国政要如阿拉法特等,都曾在此受到齐奥塞斯库接见。

  此外,喜欢打猎的齐奥塞斯库经常把冬季狩猎作为接待来访外国首脑的一个项目,山区一些狩猎木屋因此成为接待贵宾的重要场所,也是总书记光顾得比较多的“行宫”。

  其家属不仅在首都拥有数幢宅邸和别墅,在全国各地还拥有多幢别墅,家族成员每年花数十万美元从国外购买进口首饰、化妆品、食品和各种用品,甚至连他们养狗的食物和疫苗都是进口的。

  齐奥塞斯库的子女过生日时,往往从新加坡和泰国订购特种兰花,用专机空运回来,这些兰花每束价值180美元,费用却从罗马尼亚内务部开设的驻外公司特别基金中支付。齐奥塞斯库的小儿子尼古在美国拉斯维加斯和迈阿密狂赌滥饮,一次赌博就输掉了罗马尼亚国内17匹纯种阿拉伯马,经费都是来自罗马尼亚内务部设在纽约的公司。

  社会主义是“一家”

  齐奥塞斯库在以权谋私、任人唯亲、家天下方面,在20世纪的所有国家领导人中,堪称 “集大成者”。

  罗马尼亚解放前,齐奥塞斯库夫人埃列娜本是一名纺织工人,解放后她上了大学,当上化学工程师,原在化学研究所工作。齐奥塞斯库上台后,埃列娜渐次跃升为中央委员、中央政治局委员,在党内掌管干部大权。

  1980年起,她兼任政府第一副总理。至此,埃列娜在政坛上的地位,仅次于齐奥塞斯库,成为党内最高决策机构的成员。罗马尼亚各级官员都习惯地称齐奥塞斯库为“一号”,其办公室为“一号办”,埃列娜为“二号”,她的办公室自然是“二号办”。

  齐奥塞斯库重用的第二个人是他的小儿子尼古。他大学毕业即当了共青团中央第一书记,并且很快成了党的中央委员,后来又升为候补政治局委员。为了让这位接班人得到全面锻炼,1987年,齐奥塞斯库派尼古到地方上任县党委第一书记,齐奥塞斯库公开对外国记者说,如大家拥护,“他可以接班”。尼古的妻子也夫贵妻荣,先后被授以中央委员、共青团中央书记、全国少先队组织主席、全国妇联副主席等职。

  除了关照妻儿外,齐奥塞斯库没有忘记自己的同胞兄弟。他的哥哥马林•齐奥塞斯库为罗马尼亚驻奥地利使馆商务参赞,三个弟弟分别担任罗马尼亚国防部副部长兼军队最高政治委员会书记、国家计委副主席、内务部高级警官学校校长。甚至连他的妹夫,原来是齐奥塞斯库家乡的农民,长期担任该乡农业合作社主任,文化程度并不高,也被提升为中央委员、中央主管农业问题的书记。

  据英国《经济学家》杂志统计,齐奥塞斯库家族成员在党政军界担任要职的不下30人。一些其他亲戚,包括埃列娜的兄弟,也先后“升天”,分别担任了罗共中央委员、政府部长等要职。为此,罗共中央开会,就好像是齐奥塞斯库的家庭会议,“社会主义是一家”的笑话不胫而走。二十几年的苦心经营后,齐氏居然在社会主义的罗马尼亚,成功地建成了颇有中世纪色彩的“齐家天下”。

  罗马尼亚群众对这种裙带关系和家族统治十分反感、憎恶。民间有议论说:不仅党政军大权掌握在齐奥塞斯库手里,全国三代人(党员、团员、少先队员)的命运也全掌握在他们一家人手里。

  个人崇拜,登峰造极

  随着地位的巩固,齐奥塞斯库醉心于个人崇拜,越来越喜欢人们对他歌功颂德。齐奥塞斯库到各地视察,群众都“被自愿”倾城出动,以最高礼节来欢迎他的到来。民众通常必须提前几个小时到场,即使风吹雨淋、烈日暴晒也要参加,有时还要当着齐的面高呼“万岁”。这种状况持续了近二十年时间。

  每次举行大会,每一位发言者,不管是总理还是部长,无一例外地先要赞扬齐奥塞斯库夫妇的功绩。罗马尼亚官方还安排保安部队成员坐在会场的头七八排,组成政治“拉拉队”。齐奥塞斯库讲话时,每隔二三分钟这些人都站起来鼓掌、叫好。这时出席大会的其他人也不得不数十次起立、长时间鼓掌,同时欢呼“齐奥塞斯库——罗共”,“ 齐奥塞斯库与人民”等等。

  齐奥塞斯库和夫人过生日以及出访归来,或有重大活动,罗马尼亚各地和各部门都要纷纷致贺电、贺信,衷心拥护齐奥塞斯库的领导,这些“自发”的应景之作,每年还汇集成册公开出版。一切传媒手段也用来宣传齐奥塞斯库夫妇,国内大量出版齐奥塞斯库的讲话文集和言论集,齐奥塞斯库夫妇的大幅照片则天天见诸报端。

  与此同时,在齐奥赛斯库的操控下,罗马尼亚共产党对他的评价也越来越高。罗共“十大”前后,齐奥塞斯库被称为是“贯彻党的马列主义政策的化身”,“杰出的马列主义领袖、热忱的爱国者和国际主义者”。1979年罗共“十二大”,又将齐奥塞斯库捧为“举世尊敬的伟大领袖和政治活动家”,齐奥塞斯库执政的年代也成了罗马尼亚“几千年历史上成就最卓著的时代”,以后又进一步称齐奥塞斯库是“民族英雄中的伟大英雄”,“人道主义精神的共产主义者”,“当代世界的杰出人物和光辉战士”等。

  齐奥塞斯库大搞个人迷信的同时,夫人埃列娜也分得了“党和国家的卓越战士”,“杰出的科学家、政治家”,“光辉的国务活动家”等桂冠。她俨然以“国母”自居,生日也由全国庆祝,人们在各种大会上的发言,在呼完“敬爱的总书记齐奥塞斯库同志”之后,必呼“尊敬的埃列娜同志”。

  1989年8月23日是罗马尼亚人民共和国的国庆节,这一天齐奥塞斯库夫妇照样是在举行国庆集会和盛大群众游行中度过的。23日布加勒斯特组织了有数十万人参加的盛大游行活动,人们举着齐奥塞斯库的巨幅画像,边喊着:“齐奥塞斯库——和平”、“ 齐奥塞斯库和人民”、“ 齐奥塞斯库——罗共产党”等歌功颂德的口号,边缓慢地走过他们所在的主席台前。齐奥塞斯库则像往常一样,高高举起双臂来回挥舞,脸上洋溢着幸福的笑容。

  在5分钟的时间里,群众经过主席台举起齐奥塞斯库夫妇肖像最多达400幅,最少的也有150幅(其中3/5是齐奥塞斯库的,1/5是埃列娜的,1/5是两人像),在长达3个半小时的群众游行中,群众举的齐奥塞斯库夫妇的肖像共达6000多幅。

  作假成风,大放卫星

  一边是狂热的个人崇拜,另一边则是愈演愈烈的浮夸之风。

  1989年,齐奥塞斯库宣布罗马尼亚全国粮食产量是6000多万吨,据此他自豪地宣布罗马尼亚已达到“人均3吨粮”,实际全国总量却只有1823万吨。每公顷小麦的实际产量为3170公斤,虚报的产量是8160公斤;玉米1913公斤,虚报到16500公斤。一时间,弄虚作假竟成了时尚,如实反映情况会遭到批评和排斥,甚至丢官,而说假话会受到表扬和重用。

  齐奥塞斯库每到一工厂参观,事先都要作充分的准备,全厂提前三天停工,打扫卫生,装点门面,张贴标语,还要挂出反映生产成绩如何“蒸蒸日上”的报表。首都布加勒斯特“八月二十三日”工厂是齐奥塞斯库常去的地方。齐奥塞斯库指示该厂要实现发展生产的“高速度”,每年生产1万台电机。实际情况是,当时所有东欧国家加在一起,一年才能生产1万台这种电机。

  齐奥塞斯库在一些工厂还要参观职工的食堂。从电视上看,所参观的食堂饭菜花样比饭店还丰盛。事实上由于市场副食供应极差,多数工厂的食堂已关了门。1987年前苏联领导人葛罗米柯在访问罗马尼亚时,曾参观布加勒斯特一家国营食品店,看到商品丰富,购物者装满了塑料袋。但苏联人一走,这些购物者立即把自己手中的塑料袋交给站在一旁的罗内务部军官。原来,排队的人都是内务部指定的人,商店里丰盛的蔬菜和食品也是在苏联客人来之前临时摆上去的。

  在罗马尼亚本国经济困难、市场供应十分紧张、群众生活水平下降的情况下,齐奥塞斯库却大言不惭,谎话连篇。1989年在为庆祝罗马尼亚还清全部外债的群众大会上,齐奥塞斯库讲话说:“罗马尼亚在确保了国家经济社会发展和人民生活水平不断提高的情况下,还清了外债”,还说到2000年罗将成为一个“在各个方面都十分发达的国家”。听了这些,罗马尼亚人更多的是无可奈何、哭笑不得。

  20世纪80年代初,罗马尼亚颁布了《实行粮食配给制的法令》,规定城市居民每人每年的粮食定量折合150公斤小麦和30公斤玉米,农村每人每天只有300克面包。为了拿出更多的农副产品出口,借以还清“大跃进”式经济发展欠下的100多亿美元外债,鲜肉在市场上几乎绝迹,奶制品、鸡蛋也不易买到,还要排长队。其他受群众欢迎的工业消费品如冰箱、彩电、小汽车等也大多出口,在国内市场上要么根本买不到,要么得登记排队,有时候等好几年也未必能轮到。

  罗马尼亚冬季严寒,民用煤气、暖气和电力供应不足也给百姓生活带来更大的麻烦和问题。老人、孩子受冻,生病。医院的病房、产房、手术室因得不到适当温度而无法进行正常的医疗手术,燃料的短缺也使公共交通受到影响。在人民食不果腹、衣不蔽体的时候,齐奥塞斯库却悠哉游哉地生活在他的“皇宫”中:豪华的私人游泳池、网球场、健身中心,足以让无数他国的总统羡慕不已。

1989年2月底,伴随着东欧巨变的汹涌浪潮,罗马尼亚军队和民众推翻齐奥赛斯库的腐朽统治,纷纷拿起武器,走上街头,为自己和国家的未来战斗

  十二月风暴

  1989年12月,由于不满齐奥塞斯库的统治,罗马尼亚西部边境重镇蒂米什瓦拉发生了骚乱。

  17日,在齐奥塞斯库的指令下,罗马尼亚军警在市内开了枪,抓了一些闹事者,平息了骚乱。次日,齐奥塞斯库照常飞往伊朗进行为期3天的国事访问,并向伊朗总统拉夫桑贾尼宣称:“我们的形势是稳定的。”

  但齐奥塞斯库从伊朗访问归来时,发现蒂米什瓦拉的动乱非但没有解决,反而一发不可收拾,有逐步向全国蔓延之势。齐奥塞斯库决定21日在首都举行群众大会,希望民众支持他在蒂米什瓦拉的镇压行动。

  21日中午12点,齐奥塞斯库在中央广场召开了十万人的群众集会。齐奥塞斯库和夫人埃列娜出现在中央大厦的阳台上,他不时提高声调,挥舞手臂,把讲话“推向高潮”。突然,广场某个角落喊出了一声:“打倒齐奥塞斯库!”声音像闪电划过天空,出现了令人窒息的寂静,齐奥塞斯库刚举起的右手在空中停住了。电视转播中断,留下了齐奥塞斯库举起右手的定格画面。

  一会儿,“打倒杀人犯”的口号声和嘈杂声已经汇成了一片,再也无法阻止。头戴钢盔的武装警察包围了四周的街道,军官向人群喊话,命令他们散去。国防部长米列亚亲临指挥,他下令“不准向人群开枪”,但是市长亲自跑到前线来传达“最高统帅”的命令:“可以开枪,朝天开枪,先警告,如果不成,向腿部开枪!”米列亚在重重压力下自杀,震动朝野。

  随即,国防部第一副部长斯登古雷斯库上将没有执行齐奥塞斯库的旨意,下令军队撤回军营。有些群众开始打破中央大厦一层楼的窗户,把齐奥塞斯库的著作和画像扔了出来。

  齐奥塞斯库夫妇看大事不好,下令调来直升机,从大厦的顶部平台逃走,但他们最终落入军方之手。两天后,当欧洲的千万个家庭正围坐在五彩缤纷的圣诞树旁欢度节日时,齐奥塞斯库夫妇在一座简陋的军营,被“特别军事法庭”判处死刑并迅速处决,罪名为屠杀六万人民、海外存款超过10亿美元(这两项指控后来查证系子虚乌有)、破坏政权罪、破坏公共财产罪、损坏国民经济罪等。

  这位统治罗马尼亚25年的绝对权力者,同时也是一位彻头彻尾的腐败者,最终难逃覆亡的下场。同时倒下的,还有罗马尼亚共产党的执政地位。

    齐奥塞斯库政治笑话两则

    1  一次,在一家肉铺前许多人排长队等候买肉。一大清早

人们就来排队了,十分辛苦,能否买到还是未知数。一个人

骂骂咧咧地说:“市场供应这么糟,全是齐奥塞斯库搞的。

现在我去把他干掉!”说完便走了。过了一会儿,此人返回,

继续排队。其他人就问他是否把齐干掉了,他一言不发。大家

就骂他是胆小鬼,放空炮。此人实在忍受不了了,大声说:

“那里的队伍排得比这儿还长!”
    
    2 在布加勒斯特,许多申请出国的人正在排队领取护照。

其中一人回头看到他身后的人不是别人,而是齐奥塞斯库。

齐奥塞斯库看到他吃惊的样子便说:“既然大家都要出国,

那么我也走。”此人立即对齐奥塞斯库说:“如果你走的话,

我们还有什么必要出国呢!

Ceausescu grave Romania communist dictator

SAMSUNG

Ceausescu's exhumed body

铁血网提醒您:ç‚1击查看大图


1. “人类的星辰”、

2. “喀尔巴阡山的天才”、

3. “思想的多瑙河”、

4. “工人阶级的英雄”、

5. “最杰出的、无与伦比的战略家”、

6. “举世尊敬的伟大领袖和政治活动家”、

7. “抵抗所有敌人的罗马尼亚捍卫者”、

8. “掌握国家面临的所有问题的答案的领导人”、

9. “贯彻党的马列主义政策的化身”、

10.“民族英雄中的伟大英雄”、

11.“人道主义精神的共产主义者”、

12.“当代世界的杰出人物和光辉战士”、

13.“杰出的马列主义领袖、热忱的爱国者和国际主义者”

     齐奥塞斯库同志 永垂速朽 !


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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2018-06-04 21:43:12

DISCURSUL

preşedintelui Romāniei, Traian Băsescu,

prilejuit de Prezentarea Raportului

Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romānia

(Bucureşti, 18 decembrie 2006)

Domnilor Preşedinţi ai Camerelor,

Domnule Prim Ministru,

Onoraţi membri ai Parlamentului Romāniei,

Distinşi invitaţi,

Dragi compatrioţi.

Ne īntrunim astăzi pentru a īnchide, cu deplină responsabilitate, un capitol sumbru din trecutul ţării noastre. Am citit cu mare atenţie Raportul Final al Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romānia. Am găsit īn acest document raţiunile pentru care pot condamna regimul comunist. Pentru cetăţenii Romāniei, comunismul a fost un regim impus de un grup politic autodesemnat ca deţinător al adevărului, un regim totalitar născut prin violenţă şi īncheiat tot prin violenţă. A fost un regim de opresiune, care a expropriat poporul romān de cinci decenii de istorie modernă, care a călcat īn picioare legea şi a obligat cetăţenii să trăiască īn minciună şi frică.

Comisia Prezidenţială a fost īnfiinţată īn aprilie 2006, ca un răspuns la cererile societăţii de asumare şi condamnare a trecutului totalitar. Am considerat necesară constituirea Comisiei tocmai pentru a fundamenta intelectual şi moral actul de condamnare. Nu am dorit o simplă repudiere formală a trecutului comunist, la nivelul unor declaraţii de complezenţă. O asemenea condamnare ar fi fost neconvingătoare. Am cerut Comisiei o analiză riguroasă a componentelor sistemului totalitar, a principalelor instituţii care au facut posibilă această tragedie, precum şi a personalităţilor implicate decisiv īn sistem. Avem nevoie de o analiză aprofundată a sistemului comunist din Romānia. Comisia a făcut acest lucru, īn peste 600 de pagini, lucru pentru care īi mulţumesc. Este nevoie īn continuare de analize pertinente cu privire la aparatul de partid şi la structurile şi metodele Securităţii. Trebuie să avem o radiografie clară a ceea ce s-a petrecut īn domeniul economic, unde o industrializare aberantă şi o economie de comandă au produs consecinţe īncă vizibile. Trebuie să avem cāt mai multe detalii privind colectivizarea agriculturii, strămutările forţate, prigoana īmpotriva celor care au rezistat, distrugerea elitelor şi a sistemului educaţional tradiţional, hărţuirea cultelor şi arestările de personalităţi religioase.

SPEECH

the President of Romania, Traian Băsescu,

occasioned by the Presentation of the Report

Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist Dictatorship in Romania

(Bucharest, December 18, 2006)

Presidents of the Chambers,

Prime Minister,

Honorable members of the Romanian Parliament,

Distinguished guests,

Dear compatriots.

We meet today to close with complete responsibility a grim chapter in our country's past. I read with great care the Final Report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist Dictatorship in Romania. I found in this document the reasons why I can condemn the communist regime. For the citizens of Romania, communism was a regime imposed by a political group self-described as the holder of truth, a totalitarian regime born through violence and ending in violence as well. It was a regime of oppression, which expropriated the Romanian people of five decades of modern history, which trampled the law and forced the citizens to live in lies and fear.

The Presidential Commission was set up in April 2006 as a response to the demands of the society to assume and condemn the totalitarian past. We considered it necessary to set up the Commission just to intellectually and morally ground the act of condemnation. We did not want a simple formal repudiation of the Communist past, at the level of statements of convenience. Such a conviction would have been unconvincing. I asked the Commission for a rigorous analysis of the components of the totalitarian system, the main institutions that made this tragedy possible, as well as the personalities involved decisively in the system. We need a thorough analysis of the communist system in Romania. The Commission has done this in over 600 pages, for which I thank. Further pertinent analyzes are needed regarding the party apparatus and the structures and methods of the Securitate. We need to have a clear radiograph of what has happened in the economic field, where aberrant industrialization and command economy have produced far-reaching consequences. We need to have as much detail as possible on the collectivization of agriculture, forced displacement, persecution against those who have resisted, the destruction of elites and the traditional educational system, harassment of cults and arrests of religious personalities.

We have the necessary data to condemn the Communist regime in Romania without a right of appeal. A democracy without memory is one in serious suffering. We must not forget to avoid the errors of the past.

The conclusions of the Commission, which I assume, state that the totalitarian communist system in Romania was imposed by foreign dictatorship. Indeed, it was an illegitimate regime, based on a fanatical ideology, an ideology of the systematic cultivation of hatred, for which class struggle? and the dictatorship of the proletariat? symbolized the essence of historical progress. Imported from the USSR, the communist ideology justified the attack on civil society, political and economic pluralism, the destruction of democratic parties, the destruction of the free market, extermination by assassination, deportations, forced labor, imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people. Behind the mask of socialist humanism? the deepest contempt for man as an individual hid.

Based on the examination of the analytical literature and the existing testimonies proving the antipatriotic nature of communist totalitarianism, we can state that the Communist regime in Romania (1945-1989) was illegitimate and criminal. I do not deny that there were periods of relative lull and that some people believed in the system. For the overwhelming majority of the population, it was a mutilated existence, lived under direct or indirect terror, and where the notion of freedom had lost any meaning. So it is time to evaluate the nature and legacy of the communist regime. Some have succumbed to the temptation to idealize the period of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, forgetting that he had established and consolidated the Communist terror in Romania, with his hundreds of thousands of dead, Nicolae Ceausescu's regime coming to settle on the ground prepared and cleaned by she. Others tried to apologize for the horrors of the Ceausescu era in the name of the alleged attachment to national values. The truth is that they were invoked and superlative only to strengthen the power of a group by resorting to a parade patriotism. In other words, the Communist regime in Romania, a totalitarian system based on the constant violation of human rights, on the supremacy of an ideology hostile to open society, on the monopoly of the power exercised by a small group of individuals, on repression, intimidation, humiliation and corruption. Romania suffered the consequences of the Leninist dogmas: forced industrialization, based on a vivid economic model that favored heavy industry; the liquidation of private property, associated with the brutal policy of collectivization of agriculture; the destruction of traditional values in the name of a false social modernization; the methodical control over the social space, the intimate life of the citizens (especially through the natalist politics of N. Ceausescu's dictatorship). The private sphere was thus almost completely annexed by the totalitarian party / state. Everyday life in state socialism was invaded by propaganda and control elements dictated by the party.

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2018-06-04 20:27:35

Timişoara, 1989: the days of the revolutionAreas Romaniaita engTimişoara, 20 years later

Timişoara today - F.Martino

Ioan Savu used to work in a detergent factory in Timişoara. On the 16th of December of 1989 he took the streets with thousands of fellow citizens. Four days later he was in front of a disbelieving Romanian Prime Minister to demand free elections and Ceauşescu's resignation. A life and a revolution.

03/11/2009 - Francesco Martino, Davide Sighele Timişoara

Ioan Savu is one of the "accidental heroes" of the Romanian revolution of 1989. During the Communist regime, Savu worked in a detergent factory in Timişoara. During the bloody city revolt that triggered the fall of Ceauşescu, he played, almost accidentally, a leading role. After joining the popular delegation that represented the crowd, he himself wrote the list of requests that the revolutionaries of Timişoara gave Constantin Dăscălescu, then Prime Minister, whom Ceauşescu had sent to the city to negotiate with the insurgents. Twenty years after those dramatic events we met with him in the city where he was the protagonist of those events and where he still lives. His memories, emotions and reflections on those days that changed his life and the life of all Romanians. The voice on a revolution that, according to Savu, "is not over yet and is still working inside of us".

The revolution in Timişoara

The fall of Nicolae Ceauşescu's regime started in Timişoara, a city of Western Romania. On the 15th of December of 1989 Romanian authorities wanted to expel the reformed pastor Lazlo Tőkés, disliked by the regime because of his sermons, in which he did not omit condemnations of the regime. Having been told of the authorities' intentions, a group of faithful gathered in front of the house where he lived, in an area very near to the centre of the city. Authorities were not able to disperse the protesters and by the following day, the 16th, hundreds of people had gathered in front of the pastor's house, people belonging not only to the Hungarian community, of which Tőkés was part. In the afternoon of the same day, the slogans pro freedom of religious expression soon turned into slogans against the regime and protests spread to different areas of the city. The army, the police and the secret police (Securitate) intervened to disperse the protesters. Hundreds of people were beaten and arrested. In the afternoon of the 17th of December, though, the citizens of Timişoara took the streets again. The police opened fire and tens of people died. On the 18th protesters gathered again, there were new riots and other victims. On the 19th factory workers from the city went on strike and on the 20th they marched towards the centre of the city, where the Romanian Prime Minister Constantin Dăscălescu met with a delegation of the insurgents. They presented him with a list of requests that were not accepted. But the army, that day, retired in the barracks and the insurgents declared Timişoara a free city.

Ioan Savu addresses the crowd on December 20th, 1989

Watch the video on Youtube

Dawn

For me the revolution started at the end of 1987, after the Braşov rebellion of the 15th of November when tens of thousands of workers rebelled against the regime's restrictive economic policy, with street protests that led to hundreds of arrests. From then on, I have always thought that something would happen, and I was ready. There was a feeling in Timişoara, before the revolution, that convinced me we could be destroyed, wiped out, but not defeated. Everything happened calmly, people did not let emotions overwhelm them, at all! People were calm and extremely determined.

16 December

A neighbour called me: "come, they have started... there are ten, a hundred, a thousand, a million men... Come!" and I got out of the house. They were difficult moments for me, until late at night.

Ioan Savu

We went through the city in perfect order. We did not even step on the grass in the flowerbeds. In Opera Square there are large flowerbeds, that December there was no snow in Timişoara, it was warm and in the images from above you can see how people gathered round the flowerbeds but did not step on them.

We were a real wall. For this conviction, in Timişoara we were able to take power for a week, a week in which the city was alone. We were hoping the rest of the country would follow us but we could not be sure. Regardless of what would happen, though, I am sure we would have gone ahead.

There was an phrase, in those days: communism was born on the Neva and died on the Bega the river that washes Timişoara.

There were various groups in different areas of the city. It was not a crowd of thousands of people, the groups were made of ten to a hundred people. After the riots in Maria Square they headed towards all the areas of Timişoara. There were riots also at the County Council.

That day I did not suffer directly, I was not injured. Yes, I did feel strong emotions during the night, but it is of little importance. The day after, the 17th, it all started again and the protest became even more vigorous.

17, 18 December

On the 17th my children had gone out food shopping. Since they were not coming back, my wife went out like a lioness to bring them home. That day, on the corner of our street - it was a Sunday morning - a military car would not let us pass. I shoved the two officers off and I saw my children coming back holding hands.

In those days, people in Timişoara felt the need of cohesion. We wanted to be together, all people were together. In our city there are very few ethnic conflicts or tensions, and of little importance. It does not matter if my friend's name is Miodrag or Ianos ... what matters is that they are my neighbours, my friends, men.

On the 17th there were youngsters who wanted to head towards the centre. At that point there where shootings already in the whole city. We had Beirut to compare ourselves to, on TV we watched what was happening in Beirut ... but in Timişoara there was more turmoil than in Beirut. Bullets were flying in every which way. I told those youngsters to be careful, that people were dying everywhere in the city and that freedom could not be earned with a pin on your chest. People went to work, that day, and started discussing what was happening. It was difficult to get information. People from different neighbourhoods met in the factories, so we got a more complete picture.

The mornings, those days, went by relatively calmly. Then we took the streets in the afternoons and at night. There were a lot of shootings on the 17th but also on the 18th. Down-town, I saw people hitting the bullet-proof cars with their fists, they had nothing to fight with against the armed forces of the regime. But there was so much determination, so much firmness in not backing down. At one point I saw my daughter holding hands with a boy, all around smoke bombs and tanks. "Why are they shooting at us, daddy, we're just children!". It was not normal to shoot at people, I hope they understood it and that sooner or later their mistake.

There are still people today who believe that they did the right thing, that they acted for the good of their country. Maybe, but theirs was a sad country, a country has to be everybody's country, especially the new generations'. It was hard.

The last shootings

The last shootings were on the 19th. That day I spoke with my co-workers. I asked them to look after my wife and children if something happened to me. Then I asked myself: why am I so involved in all this? Actually, I was not more involved than others, but I felt the need to ask them to protect my family and to be free to express my convictions. Only with hindsight, though, do I realize that those were my thoughts. At that time I did not clearly know why I would say certain things, why I acted the way I did.

On the 20th, all those who had discussed on the work place over the previous days and who had taken the streets in the afternoon and the evening found some cohesion. On the 20th, all workers came out of the industrial area of Buzias united. I think there were about 30 thousand people.

The Prime Minister

That day, something happened. Something I was not expecting and that I would have never imagined. We were outside the County Council. Inside there was the Prime Minister Constantin Dăscălescu, who had come from Bucharest to negotiate with the insurgents. When one or two people were asked to go in and talk to the Prime Minister, I thought they were not enough. When only a few people leave the crowd, it immediately loses trust in them, fearing they might be bribed or that they are too scared. So I told everybody that more people had to go in, 8, 13. If there is a group, the people in the group can support each other and they do not have to give up their plans. I also thought that one or two people could not summarize the thoughts of a whole city.

I was in that group. When I went into the building, it was full of riot squads, berets, automatic weapons. They immediately told us that if someone tried to force the entrance, they would shoot us. After a week of shootings in Timişoara, I was sure they were not kidding. I then had to organize everything in some way, I left somebody inside and I went out again. There, a lawyer came up to me and asked me if he could come in too ... I knew, then, I was the leader of the group, unwillingly, accidentally. I thought also having a lawyer in our group would be good. We were not a homogenous group, we did not know each other, I did not know any of the people I went inside with.

I did not know exactly what to do. It is difficult. I felt a strong pressure on my heart when I thought that I was responsible for those outside. If something had happened, and if those inside with the weapons had shot, I would have held myself responsible. And I kept thinking, God help me understand what to do.

My name is Ioan Savu

The Prime Minister was handed various requests. I was sharper than some others, many only made basic requests. I soon realized that we needed to keep communicating with all those who were outside the building. I went out on the room's balcony, where I saw there was a microphone. I knew that to trust us, people had to know, they had to meet us in person.

So I took the microphone and said: "my name is Ioan Savu, I live on 16 Negoiului Street, apartment 18, I have 3 children and work in the Accountancy Department at the detergent factory". At that moment I was opening up, everyone knew, even the Securitate knew who I was. But those outside had to trust us, and we them.

I went back inside and wrote on a diary what Timişoara wanted those days: we no longer wanted Communism, we no longer wanted Ceauşescu, we no longer wanted the government, we wanted TV and radio to broadcast what was happening in the city, we wanted to be able to print posters, we wanted all those arrested during the revolution to be freed, we wanted the bodies of our dead back and to bury them, and we had other requests.

I caught everybody's attention, even the Prime Minister's, who came to me to discuss. I told him we did not want an eye for an eye, that we did not want to kill their families and their children, that too much blood had already been shed, but that together we had to find a solution to what was happening in Timişoara and in the country.

Those moments were difficult and full of tension. For the Prime Minister, I was Mr. Nobody, a man raised in the streets, an insect of no importance, and he looked upon us with contempt. But we had no choice, we represented the crowd outside. I was sure I would not get out of there alive. Meanwhile I went out on the balcony again, I asked to surround the building and not let anyone escape. The Communist officials blocked in the building were a guarantee that in Timişoara there would be no more shooting. I also asked for a group of youngsters to be formed, with someone who spoke Serbian, to go to the Serbian consulate with a list of the protesters' requests and the names of the members of the negotiating committee. We knew the Serbian consulate was the only link Timişoara had with the rest of the country and the world.

Ioan Savu

Notes

At one point I was reading our requests to Dăscălescu and I realized he was listening, but he was not taking any notes. I asked him why, since he might forget everything. Immediately some Communist officials approached me, they probably wanted to choke me. Meanwhile the Prime Minister was appalled by my impertinence, but with a reflex gesture he searched for a pen in his pocket and immediately all the others came with a pen and a diary for him to write with.

Talking about it now, it sounds comical, if it were not so dramatically tragic. Me reading and the Prime Minister writing the requests of us revolutionaries! It was an intense moment in my life. I wanted nothing for me, I showed later too that I did not use the revolution as an opportunity to fulfil myself socially or politically. I did not want that. I wanted things to go well for the country: if they went well for everyone, they went well for me too. I can look people straight in the eye, without being embarrassed, and that is very important.

The capital

After years of oppression, people wanted freedom, they wanted to run away from Ceauşescu, he represented evil. For them, Communism was Ceauşescu and by getting rid of him, we would get rid of Communism. But things are not that way. I too, and I thought about this many times, was glad when he was shot. But now I regret those feelings. They had to trial him, not kill him.

After the days of Timişoara I went to Bucharest because I wanted to meet with other people and tell them what we from Timişoara wanted. I left on the 24th of December, by train. But I immediately realized that I was not important for those in the capital, they did not want to have any ties with others, I was not part of their interest group. They were difficult moments.

God

At one point I was under the impression that we had made it. Then I told myself: God exists! God has come back to us!

I thought about it long. I wondered why God was coming back to us after such a long absence. And then I realized he had never left, but that it was us who were coming back to him. After those events, I tried more intensely to make Christian faith mine, to be a better man, to have more patience with others, to help them. That is how we can change the world, by changing ourselves.

Timişoara, a state of the soul

Our convictions brought benefits also on other levels, after those days. It is in Timişoara that the first free elections for a regional council and city-hall were held, in January of 1990, soon after the revolution. For the first time not only in Timişoara and the whole of Romania, but for the first time in the whole of Eastern Europe.

It was here in Timişoara that we immediately organized ourselves to give people passports. Everything seems easy now, but at that time Romanians were not allowed to travel. And for us in Timişoara, because we were near the border, TV was like a window over the world: we watched Hungarian channels, Serbian channels, we knew what happened outside our walls. But it was not enough, we wanted to go there. After the revolution, here in the city we computerized the whole procedure of granting passports. We went from 100-150 issues a day to 2000. In this region, economic growth was spectacular also. And we could have done much more, had it not been for a muddled bureaucracy.

We immediately set ourselves into action on concrete things, we showed people that we could change, that we had to change. And it was not easy. After the revolution, there was finally a horizon of prospects, in people, we wanted change, we needed change, we were ready for change. It is for this reason that Timişoara is a state of the soul, more than a city.

Bananas and consumerism

I remember a story. Even during Communism, I was not short of money. We tried to manage doing a little bit of everything, and I held a second job, taking pictures at weddings, baptisms, schools, generally in Timişoara or in the Banat. One of my sons once came back from school and told us that one of his schoolmates had received bananas from Germany. My son never asked anybody for anything. On that occasion, he told my wife "Mom, I want a piece of banana too, I asked my friend to let me taste it, but he said no". He was crying and shivering. And I thought of what kind of father I was, not even able to get a banana for my son. That is what was going on. I no longer want to live in a Socialist system where everything happens and no one is responsible for anything.

People are not happy now either, of course. There are many products in the supermarkets, but often there is no money to buy them. There are many excesses, many people steal, there are lobbies that might as well be called mobsters. But it is different from then, anyway. We had no horizon, then.

The revolution

Once you take the streets, once many people get killed, nothing matters anymore, you can only move on, and that is what happened. Before there were victims you could negotiate, retreat. After that, not anymore.

Revolution is a complex phenomenon. You need to change your mentality and if that is not yet the case, you need to go ahead, it means that the revolution still needs to work inside of us. In Romania the revolution is not over yet, even if it shows itself in a less dramatic and violent way, but only now are some ideas of change starting to be understood. And I think these changes have to take place in a non-violent way, with the force of ideas, without people dying in the streets.

We then knew what we did not want, but not exactly what we wanted. It is difficult to know what you really want if you have no term of comparison. Then, the more you go up, the more the horizon widens. And that is what is happening for us too.

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2018-06-04 20:21:28

Revolution of 1989 in Romania

The year 1989 caused the collapse of the totalitarian communist regime all over the Europe:

At the end of the year, especially in the Western part of Romania, the population learned, from the foreign TV channels (respectively the Hungarian, Yugoslav channels) and the broadcasts in Romanian language of the radio channels Europa Liberã (Radio Free Europe) and Vocea Americii (Radio Voice of America), about the changes that occurred in Europe. This was the reason according to which, an apparently simple event (the arbitral eviction of the Pastor of the Reformat Church, Mr. László Tökés, set forth for December 15th 1989) to become the pretext for a popular riot in Timisoara, a riot that was then transformed into a national revolution;

On 15th December, more parishioners gathered in front of the priest's house, and they wanted to impede the evacuation of the priest. Being a very crowded area, and very close to the city centre, many inhabitants of the city stopped to find out what was going on; they thickened, first involuntarily, the number of the people gathered there.

On the 16th, the number of people gathered rose to almost 400 persons, the majority not being reformed parishioners, but citizens of Timisoara, of different ethnic origins and religions; through the blocking of the traffic in the area, the situation became more radical. In the afternoon people shouted for the first time "Down with Ceausescu!”; this spark was enough to start the revolt. While shouting “Down with Ceausescu!” and “Down with communism!”, the demonstrators moved to different points of Timisoara in order to call people to the revolt. Army, Militia and Security troupes were sent there to scatter the mass, the demonstrators were bitten and arrested the same night and the following morning. 930 persons were arrested, among whom 130 were minors.

In the morning of 17th December, the mass gathered again in the centre of the town. Informed of the fact that the revolt could not be stopped, Ceausescu gave the order to open fire against the demonstrators. This order was fulfilled, and the first martyrs of the Revolution in Timisoara fell.

On 18th December, in front of the Cathedral, many young people and children gathered there and started to sing carols and to shout anti-communism slogans. At a certain moment, there appeared armed vehicles which fired a storm of gunfire over these young people on the stairs, killing many of them.

During the night of 18th / 19th, together with the complicity of the management of the County Hospital, the authorities took a part of the heroes" bodies from the hospital morgue, and transported them to Bucharest where they were burnt in the Crematorium. Other bodies were buried secretly in a common grave. In order to erase all the tracks, the documentation which referred to these bodies, was destroyed.

The next days, the resistance did not cease; on 19th December, the workers of the ELBA Factory started a strike.

On the 20th December, the general strike started in all the factories of Timisoara, a mass of thousands of people was heading for the centre of Timisoara that morning. Facing this situation, the armed forces retreated to the barracks.

The leaders of the revolution of Timisoara presented a list of requests from the part of the population to the communist authorities, a list which would become the real revolution program. The same day of 20th December 1989, Timisoara was declared the first free city of Romania by the representatives of the Romanian Democrat Front, the first democratic political formation founded on the blooded streets of Timisoara. The majority of the arrested people were freed.

On 20th December, the town of Lugoj, close to Timosoara, revolted against the communist regime, heroes of the Revolution falling here too.

On the 21st December, Ceausescu, an incurable megalomaniac, organized a grand meeting in Bucharest with the purpose of supporting him and of condemning the so-called “Hungarian hooligans” from Timisoara. But the meeting turned into an anti-Ceausescu and an anti-communism revolt. The same day, revolutionary movements started in the largest cities of the country: Cluj, Sibiu, Arad, Targu-Jiu, Caransebes, Cugir etc.; although the authorities opened fire against the demonstrators, the Romanians could not be stopped.

It was a question of hours until the fall of the system, which happened on Friday, 22ndDecember 1989, around noon, along with the fleeing of the Ceausescu family from Bucharest.

During this confusing situation, there formed lots of groups that wanted to take over the power. Until the evening of 22nd December, the group lead by Ion Iliescu and Petre Roman stood out, and who organized themselves into the National Salvation Front which took up the responsibility of bringing Romania on the way to democracy.

The day of 22nd December was declared the Day of the Victory of the Romanian Revolution. Starting with the evening of the 22nd December, unidentified forces, but named by the new authorities as counter-revolution and loyal to the communist regime, opened fire over the civilians and over the military units from many cities, creating panic and confusion.

The fear of these so-called “terrorist” elements justified in the eyes of the public opinion the superficial trial of the Ceausescu family and their execution on Christmas day of the year 1989.

The change of the communist system became a fact at the end of December, but with great sacrifices and absurdity that we wonder nowadays

1104 deaths, among which 162 before 22nd December, and 942 after December;3352 wounded, among which 1107 before 22nd December, and 2245 after 22ndDecember.

Material received from the Association “Revolution Memorial” Timisoara.

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2018-06-04 20:17:48

Casualties[edit]

Corpses lying in a morgue

The total number of deaths in the Romanian Revolution was 1,104, of which 162 were in the protests that led to the overthrow of Nicolae Ceaușescu (16–22 December 1989) and 942 in the fighting that occurred after the seizure of power by the new political structure National Salvation Front (FSN). The number of wounded was 3,352, of which 1,107 occurred while Ceaușescu was still in power and 2,245 after the FSN took power.[40][41] Official figures place the death toll of the revolution at 689 people, many of whom were civilians.[2]

Top Ceausescu Aides Admit Complicity in Genocide : Romania: They are the first senior officials of regime to go on trial before a military court. The four are said to have confessed to all charges.

January 28, 1990|From Reuters

BUCHAREST, Romania — Four top aides of former Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceausescu have confessed they are guilty of complicity to commit genocide, a lawyer told a military court Saturday.

Former Deputy Prime Minister Ion Dinca, former Interior Minister Tudor Postelnicu, Communist Party organizational chief Emil Bobu and former Vice President Manea Manescu are the first senior Ceausescu regime officials to go on trial.

A lawyer who read out the charges to the court said the four had confessed to all charges, but they did not formally enter a plea in court.

The trial was adjourned after a three-hour opening session.

During the hearing, Dinca told the court that he was a coward not to have opposed Ceausescu's orders to shoot protesters in the Transylvanian city of Timisoara.

The killings in Timisoara sparked the revolution that toppled Ceausescu on Dec. 22. He and his powerful wife, Elena, were executed on Dec. 25.

The presiding judge said it had been confirmed that 689 people were killed and 1,200 wounded in last month's uprising against Ceausescu, figures far lower than initial estimates.

Dinca, 61, responded confidently and promptly to the questions of the five uniformed military judges.

Questioned by a defense lawyer, he said: "If I did not agree (with Ceausescu's orders) I would not have lasted for a single minute."

He said that shortly before Ceausescu fled Bucharest in a helicopter as protesters cried for his blood, the dictator called a last meeting of the ruling Politburo to discuss how to restore order.

"He asked each of us if we would fight for the revolution, and we each said yes," Dinca told the trial, which is being televised live.

Dinca said Ceausescu had called for Postelnicu to be shot for not putting down the protests in Timisoara with enough force.

After being questioned, Dinca signed a document saying the court record of his remarks was accurate.

Elsewhere in Bucharest, Romania's embattled provisional government held crisis talks with three main opposition parties in the face of mounting public discontent, party sources said.

The ruling National Salvation Front demanded the meeting hours after Vice President Dumitru Mazilu resigned, accusing the front of using Stalinist methods.

"An aide of President Ion Iliescu called during the night to invite us," one opposition party source said, adding that no reason was given.

Leaders of the National Peasants Party, the National Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party attended the talks in the Popular Front's heavily guarded headquarters in the Foreign Ministry.

The three old parties, banned at the start of Communist rule in 1947, accuse the leaders of the five-week-old Popular Front of being closet Communists.

The parties formed a loose opposition coalition this week after the Popular Front sparked street protests when it said in an abrupt about-face that it would run candidates in elections set for May 20.

When the Popular Front took power after Ceausescu was toppled, leaders pledged to disband the movement after guiding Romania to democratic government.

Opposition parties want elections to be postponed and a broad-based transition government, including Popular Front supporters, to be formed.

"May 20 is too soon for elections. We need more time to organize and are seeking a postponement until August or September," Peasants Party spokesman Valentin Gabrielescu said.

"Our intention is to have a neutral government immediately. This is a Communist government," he said.

The three parties have called for a mass anti-Popular Front demonstration today outside the Foreign Ministry.

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作者:公孙明11 回复 公孙明11 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:57:34

毛泽东的罪名也是屠杀六千万人民,稿费存款超过一亿人民币!

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作者:公孙明11 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:56:15

人干什么都可以,最怕就是脑残了!

尤其是被别人洗得脑残的脑残!

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作者:公孙明11 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:50:31

被“特别军事法庭”判处死刑并迅速处决,罪名为屠杀六万人民、海外存款超过10亿美元(这两项指控后来查证系子虚乌有)

==============================================

脑残们!白纸黑字,看到了吗?

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作者:公孙明11 回复 和颜清心 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:44:52

你实在是人云亦云,什么都不懂,被宣传牵着鼻子走。

知道自己的无知和可怜吗?

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作者:Pascal 回复 和颜清心 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:29:49

Yes, it is.

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作者:公孙明11 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:18:03

人死了,当然众恶皆归之。死人是不会跟你计较的。自古皆然!

去骂骂沙皇吧,齐奥比它差远啦!

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作者:和颜清心 留言时间:2018-06-04 19:09:15

1989年12月25日,齐奥塞斯库高呼:“自由和独立的罗马尼亚万岁!”随后,他的夫人唱起了《国际歌》:“起来,饥寒交迫的奴隶,起来,全世界受苦的人……”.可见这两位共产党领导人临死还在扯谎。什么‘自由和独立’、什么‘饥寒交迫的奴隶’,事实上,全国只有当权者才有自由(贪污的自由),并且他们早已把多数人变成‘饥寒交迫的人’了——只有少数人享受;多数人却在受苦啊……。

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