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“朝廷不是让我隐蔽吗?”“你也不看看,这是什么时候了?!”  
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一万年也自然不出冠状病毒对等还击美国! 2020-02-06 19:47:34

第二是使它具有“有很强的对人感染能力”达到快速

蔓延和传染的目地。这种灭绝人性的生物技术是蝙蝠

和竹鼠干的出来吗?


在自然界环境中即使一万年也不可能实现如此精准

“4个关键蛋白”的“替换”!


事实证明,武汉病毒只能是实验室认为干预制造产生

的!人性已经泯灭到了如此地步!


事实证明,武汉病毒只能是实验室认为干预制造产生

的!人性已经泯灭到了如此地步!

......


帝国主义从来就没有停止过对中国的各种破坏打击和

围剿,中国的迅速壮大和崛起,已经让帝国主义到了

撕下所有伪装,公开出手的地步。


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作者:一冰 留言时间:2020-02-07 07:52:04

石正丽所做的研发,在西方社会是通不过的,因为科学研究在那里有科学伦理的评判和约束,而厉害国一向黑白颠倒善恶不分,连人的基因都敢编辑,何况是蝙蝠的。

看到五毒所有军方背景,让人联想到生化武器,可是就这么轻易地给武汉人民使用上了,中共常说的那句话是啥来着:搬起石头砸了谁的脚。

回复 | 0
作者:一冰 留言时间:2020-02-07 07:49:17

好,加上解说,就比较容易理解了。

谢谢博主。

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2020-02-07 00:03:23

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President Xi Jinping said on Feb. 5 that China is “confident and capable” of handling the coronavirusPresident Xi Jinping said on Feb. 5 that China is “confident and capable” of handling the coronavirus Paolo Tre—A3/CONTRASTO/ReduxBY CHARLIE CAMPBELL FEBRUARY 6, 2020

It took eight hours for a doctor to see Wu Chen’s mother after she arrived at the hospital. Eight days later, she was dead.

The doctor was “99% sure” she had contracted the mysterious pneumonia-like illness sweeping China’s central city of Wuhan, Wu says, but he didn’t have the testing kit to prove it. And despite the 64-year-old’s fever and perilously low oxygen levels, there was no bed for her. Wu tried two more hospitals over the next week, but all were overrun. By Jan. 25, her mother was slumped on the tile floor of an emergency room, gasping for air, drifting in and out of consciousness. “We didn’t want to see my mom die on the floor, so we took her home,” says Wu, 30. “She passed the next day.”

Illustration by Edel Rodriguez for TIME

Because she did not want a spell in jail for dissent to compound her grief, Wu asked TIME to refer to her by a pseudonym–a reasonable request and one that carries with it a measure of what each virus death means to the People’s Republic of China. The novel coronavirus known as 2019-nCoV threatens more than the 24,000 people known to be infected as of Feb. 4 or the 492 it has killed. It also looms over the national rejuvenation project of President Xi Jinping and the rigid, top-down rule being tested by all that the disease brings with it, including distrust in a population the government pledged to keep safe. Since China belatedly acknowledged the severity of the outbreak, every organ of the Chinese state has been harnessed to enforce an unprecedented quarantine on 50 million people across 15 cities. China’s government has unleashed a 1 billion yuan ($142 million) war chest to fight the outbreak amid a frenzy of construction work that, among other feats, erected a 1,000-bed hospital in just 10 days. That there was no cot for Wu’s mother may be understandable, given the time it took to comprehend the disease and how quickly it spread. But what to make of a government that cannot abide the grief of a daughter who took her ailing mother home rather than see her die on a hospital floor?

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Transparency is essential to public health. But in China, doctors who reported the reality of the outbreak have been arrested for “spreading rumors.” Officials were pictured pocketing supplies meant for frontline medical staff, who were reduced to cutting up office supplies for makeshift surgical masks. Meanwhile, the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has already started leveraging the crisis for propaganda by lionizing cadres leading containment efforts. “No crisis is too deadly that they can’t take a time-out to promote the party through manipulation of it,” says Scott W. Harold, an East Asia expert at the U.S. policy think tank Rand Corp.

In the fall of 2017, Xi took the podium at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People to claim that China’s version of one-party autocracy offered an option for “countries that want to speed up their development while preserving their independence.” Western democracy was messy and flawed, the argument went. In the years since that speech, China’s hubris has grown, nurtured by the tumultuous U.S. presidency of Donald Trump and the disintegration of the multilateral world order. But the coronavirus crisis threatens to rattle China’s authoritarian apparatus. “A major test of China’s system and capacity for governance” senior party chiefs called it on Feb. 3.

WHO Declares Global Emergency Over CoronavirusWHO Declares Global Emergency Over CoronavirusSharePlay Video

The 2019-nCoV outbreak is infecting some 2,000 people daily in China and has spread to at least 25 countries. The World Health Organization (WHO) declared it a “global health emergency.” And the fear is not limited to health. Global commerce now hinges on China’s $14.55 trillion economy, which in turn is governed by an opaque, authoritarian regime tightly coalesced around one man. Xi, burnished by a resurgent cult of personality, has amassed more power than any Chinese leader since Mao Zedong. He has leveraged Beijing’s economic clout to forward ambitions at home and abroad but also has struggled as no previous leader. “Since Xi came to power, problem after problem have occurred on his watch that he seems unable to effectively manage,” says Jude Blanchette, a China analyst at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies. These include popular unrest in semiautonomous Hong Kong, a disruptive trade war with the U.S. and now an unfolding health crisis.

An empty highway in Wuhan, the city of 11 million where the outbreak began in a market, on Feb. 3An empty highway in Wuhan, the city of 11 million where the outbreak began in a market, on Feb. 3 Getty Images

For decades, the sales pitch for China’s single-party rule was the superior performance of its political system when faced with both short-term crises and long-term challenges. It built thousands of miles of high-speed rail and helped drag hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. By 2022, McKinsey predicts 550 million Chinese will be able to call themselves middle class–about 1.5 times the current U.S. population. Still, that benevolent narrative has deteriorated under Xi. Now the coronavirus threatens to undermine further his mission to have China stake out the next century as America did the last.

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In 2019, China overtook Soviet Russia as history’s most enduring communist state. The seven-decade longevity of the CCP can be attributed in no small part to abandoning great chunks of Marxist-Leninism; instead of centralized planning and top-down targets, China embraced markets and devolved considerable power to its regions and cities. Local party bosses were encouraged to make bold decisions to boost the local economy, like setting up heavily subsidized means of production.

As a result, China boomed but also became a network of little fiefdoms and power centers, where local bosses vied for influence and corruption flourished. Xi came into power in 2012 convinced rampant graft posed an existential threat to the party. To him, only an ideological renaissance coupled with an anticorruption crusade could save China from going the way of the Soviet Union.

A bland apparatchik by reputation, Xi climbed the career ladder as a provincial bureaucrat, eventually emerging as a compromise candidate for the post of China’s top leader. His lack of a power base led party elders to believe he would remain malleable and easy to control. Global leaders hoped he might push through long-awaited economic and social reforms.

They were wrong. Soon after taking power, Xi announced his “China Dream” of a grand national rejuvenation, later speaking about returning China to “center stage of the world.” Far from embracing Western-style market reforms, Xi calcified state control over the economy and stocked its bureaucracy with flunkies and yes-men. Today party zealotry permeates all of Chinese society. The head of China’s national Film Bureau has ordered movies “must have a clear ideological bottom line and cannot challenge the political system.” China’s journalists have been instructed to follow “Marxist news values.” Artists can only produce works that “serve the people and socialism.” One advertisement for sperm donors required applicants ages 20 to 45 with “excellent ideological qualities” who “love the fatherland,” and are “loyal” to the party’s “mission.” Mao may have had his Little Red Book, but Xi has a personalized app distributed to all 90 million CCP members, with a directory of his speeches and quizzes on his life and political thought.

Evacuees from Wuhan, mostly German nationals, leave Frankfurt’s main airport on Feb. 1Evacuees from Wuhan, mostly German nationals, leave Frankfurt’s main airport on Feb. 1 Thomas Lohnes—AFP/Getty Images

His mission is to forge a singular Chinese identity that restores the nation’s ethnic Han majority to a golden age, on the basis of fealty to his party. “Xi Jinping is fundamentally a Han chauvinist with a ‘historic mission’ to make China, Han China, great again,” says Professor Steve Tsang, director of SOAS China Institute at the University of London.

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And he’s willing to go to extreme lengths to do it. In China’s restive Xinjiang province, a systematic campaign of forced internment has transformed the area into a dusty expanse spotted with camps where more than 1 million Uighur Muslims and other ethnic minorities are held extrajudicially, according to the U.N. What began as a campaign to battle radical Islam in the region has mutated into an enormous project of ideological re-education. On the routes where Silk Road caravans once traveled, a sophisticated surveillance apparatus shrouds the wider populace in an AI-powered panopticon, where every action is watched, recorded and judged by algorithm.

Those who fall foul of it are sent to learn the error of their ways. Nurlan Kokeubai, 56, never found out the charges against him. But from August 2017 to April 2018, he was detained in a re-education camp close to the city of Ili, in Xinjiang province. For four hours each morning, Kokeubai says he and his fellow inmates were forced to watch videos of Xi carousing with dignitaries and overseeing military exercises. They were also ordered to memorize Xi’s eponymous “political thought” and documents from the 19th CCP Conference, where Xi removed presidential term limits to enable himself to rule for life. Those that resisted were beaten with sticks or strapped to a metal chair for interrogation. “They weren’t testing our knowledge or loyalty,” Kokeubai told TIME in Almaty, Kazakhstan, to which he has since fled. “They were just filling us with this propaganda.”

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President Trump has kept mum on the Xinjiang camps as he negotiated a provisional agreement in the trade war. But when the coronavirus broke, his Administration did not hold back. “I don’t want to talk about a victory lap over a very unfortunate, very malignant disease,” Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross said in a TV interview on Jan. 30. “The fact is, it does give business yet another thing to consider … I think it will help to accelerate the return of jobs to North America.”

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Forty years after Beijing and Washington normalized relations, the two are diverging rapidly. Under Trump, the U.S. has been disentangling its firms and, yes, supply chains from China’s through taxes, tariffs and punitive investment curbs. Western investors are also cowed by ideological hurdles and looking elsewhere, given China’s market is now sophisticated, saturated and tricky to exploit. Washington has banned Huawei, the world’s biggest telecoms equipment manufacturer, from its key infrastructure and urged allies to do the same. In U.S. universities, Chinese researchers have been purged as academia, wary of espionage, lurches into Sinophobic McCarthyism. The patient optimism that colored the George W. Bush and Obama administrations has largely evaporated.

Travelers in the arrivals halls at New York City-area airports in early FebruaryTravelers in the arrivals halls at New York City-area airports in early February Thomas Prior for TIME

But it’s a mistake to ignore Xi’s own agency in this process. “[Last year] was a landmark in the structural shift of how the United States views its relationship with China,” says Tsang. “But the decoupling wasn’t started by Donald Trump. It was originally prepared by Xi Jinping himself.” Every one of Xi’s signature economic policies has sought to reduce China’s reliance on the U.S. and grow its own empire. His $1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative builds connectivity across Eurasia and Africa. The “Made in China 2025” campaign aims to propel China to the forefront of strategic industries currently dominated by Silicon Valley, such as semiconductors, aerospace, AI and robotics. The Chinese government has even ordered all state departments to remove foreign-made computer equipment within three years.

Xi does not stand alone, though he is surrounded by clients rather than friends. China is now more closely aligned with Russia than at any period since Mao and Nikita Khrushchev fell out in 1956. The Belt and Road Initiative is drawing nations across Asia, Africa, Europe and the Middle East into Beijing’s orbit (and often into its debt). The U.S. may have asked 61 countries to shun Huawei, but only three–Japan, Australia, New Zealand–have acquiesced. The next decade won’t be defined by an iron curtain but two blocs vying for influence within every nation that isn’t firmly in the liberal democratic or autocratic camp. And, for one side, the coronavirus is being sized up as an opportunity. Asked whether import levies on China should be dialed down given the crisis, White House trade adviser Peter Navarro demurred. “Let’s remember why the tariffs are in place,” he said.

Confronting an outbreak requires more than just an ability to throw up hospitals in a few days; it necessitates trust. And from the beginning, China’s public response to the virus has raised questions. Even multinational institutions like WHO are feeling this as the coronavirus worsens. The organization was unable to rule on the severity of 2019-nCoV following its first meeting on Jan. 22, apparently because of resistance from Beijing. (WHO referred to “divergent views.”) Notably, despite WHO’s insisting that travel bans to China would not be necessary, a dozen nations introduced stringent restrictions, including the U.S., Australia and North Korea. If you believe China’s official figures, 2019-nCoV has a fatality rate of just 2%–about the same as regular influenza and a far cry from the 50% of Ebola or the 10% of SARS. Why then, observers might well ask, has China placed entire cities in lockdown, quarantined tens of millions and mobilized troops?

Here is the downside of Xi’s system of top-down control; nobody acted until they got word from the top, and then everyone wildly overreacted in order to satisfy the leader. This was evident in Wuhan, the capital of Hubei province, where the outbreak began, and the official response lurched from cover-up to overreaction only after Xi addressed the crisis. “The full CCP apparatus didn’t kick into gear to address the coronavirus until Xi had weighed in on the matter,” says Blanchette. Notably, the President himself has kept a low profile since the outbreak began and was not seen in public for eight days after the Lunar New Year.

A medical worker disinfects a hotel converted into a quarantine zone in Wuhan, on Feb. 3A medical worker disinfects a hotel converted into a quarantine zone in Wuhan, on Feb. 3 AFP/GETTY IMAGES

Now, throughout China, fear is mixing with inchoate rage. In Hubei province, people from Wuhan are ostracized. But in other provinces, people from anywhere in Hubei are shunned. Videos circulating on social media show vigilantes tooling up to protect their villages. In one video, a man in a dark jacket and wide-brimmed hat guards a bridge with a pistol. In another, a man in an orange puffer jacket sits on a table at the entrance to his village, brandishing an enormous sword. All have signs nearby with a common theme: outsiders cannot pass.

Even in Beijing, apartment building guards are checking the IDs of everyone who enters and banning those from Hubei–rent-paying tenants included. Videos emerge of Hubei residents scuffling with gas station staff who refuse them service. Sometimes mass brawls erupt when a Hubei resident tries to force himself past an improvised roadblock. “Don’t blame us for being rude if you are from Wuhan and you don’t self-quarantine,” wrote one poster on China’s Twitter-like microblog Weibo. “You should just shoot them because they are killing us!” wrote another.

The ideological revival behind Xi’s “China Dream” may have rendered the political system more decisive but also more prone to error. Under Mao, local officials were also hesitant to act until they had clear signals from the top. Rather than assess issues through a purely governance lens, China’s bureaucracy is forced to balance both technocratic and political concerns. Meanwhile nativist vigilantism spreads almost as fast as the virus.

Some questions–whether the virus becomes a pandemic (or reaches epidemic levels on two continents), how many people it infects and how many lives it takes–remain shrouded in uncertainty. But the crisis has already demonstrated that the centralization of political power under Xi has made Chinese society brittle. The question now is what it will endure before it begins to crack.

Wu’s mother was cremated the evening she died. A battered container truck arrived at 9 p.m. and packed her body in with countless others. Instead of 2019-nCoV, her death certificate simply reads “viral pneumonia.” Wu signed a permission slip for the cremation but was told her mother’s ashes won’t be released until the crisis has abated. “They say that there are more than 300 dead now,” says Wu, “but I think there are many more.” Distrust, it turns out, is infectious too.

–With reporting by AMY GUNIA/ HONG KONG

This appears in the February 17, 2020 issue of TIME.

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2020-02-06 23:48:19

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒36氪的朋友们 · 7小时前“魔鬼实验室”的秘密

编者按:本文来自微信公众号网易科技(ID:tech_163),作者 静静,36氪经授权发布。

“新型冠状病毒是不是人造的?”“新型冠状病毒是不是实验室流出去的?”最近几天,社交媒体上各种讨论,把质疑指向武汉病毒所,中科院进行了辟谣。根据财新报道,国内外专家学者认为,新冠病毒不可能是人造的、基因工程的产物。

这些争论把“武汉病毒所”推向了舆论的中心。武汉病毒所拥有中国大陆第一家 P4 实验室。

神秘的“P4 实验室”在多数国家几乎都是个位数存在,被认为是病毒研究领域的“航空母舰”,其研究的对象是目前没有预防和治疗方法的病毒,这也让它们被称为是“魔鬼实验室”。美国大片中所呈现的地球的生化危机,多源于生化研究所。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

▲武汉病毒所

实际上,“P4 实验室”不是一个名称,而是一个生物安全实验室的等级,P4 实验室指的是生物安全等级四级实验室。

目前,P4 实验室是人类所拥有生物安全等级最高的实验室,也是专用于烈性传染病研究的大型装置,比如埃博拉病毒、天花和此次爆发的新型冠状病毒,一般都是在这种级别的实验室里进行研究。

P4 不仅安全等级最高,造价和费用消耗也极大,这限制了很多国家的研究和建造。据不完全统计,全球拥有超过 50 家 P4 实验室,除中国之外,分布在法国、加拿大、日本、德国、澳大利亚、美国、英国、加蓬(法国巴斯德所)、瑞典和南非等国家和地区。

如何才能成为P4实验室?

武汉病毒研究所旗下的“中国科学院武汉国家生物安全实验室”,是中国第一家 P4 实验室,简称“武汉 P4 实验室”。

那么什么是“P4 实验室”呢?为何是“4”不是其他数字呢?

其实,生物安全实验室是有等级划分的,按照研究对象的危险程度分为四类:BSL-1、BSL-2、BSL-3、BSL-4。BSL是指 Biosafety Level,即生物安全等级,等级越高,意味着防护级别越强,就能研究具有更大传染性和危害性的病原。不同级别的实验室需要不同级别的保护,根据各级实验室的安全设备和个体防护注意事项又分为 P1、P2、P3、P4(P 代表英文 protection,防卫和防护的意思)。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

资料显示,一级实验室(P1实验室),一般适用于对健康成年人无致病作用的微生物,这一级别的实验室适合于比较熟悉的病源,这些病原体不会经常引发健康成人疾病,对于实验人员和环境潜在危险很小。这一级别的生物实验室,基本不需要特别的安全设施,一般按照高中学习的标准微生物操作进行试验就没问题。

二级实验室(P2实验室),则适用于对人和环境有中等潜在危害的微生物,实验室人员均需要接受过病源处理方面的特殊培训,并由有资格的科学工作者指导。

三级实验室(P3实验室),适用于主要通过呼吸途径使人传染上严重的甚至是致死疾病的致病微生物或其毒素。在此安全标准下实验的病毒若因为暴露而吸入,会引发严重的、可能致死的疾病,但是面对此类型的病原,人类仍有治愈方法。

四级实验室,即我们经常听到的“P4实验室”,则是研究对人体具有高度的危险性,通过气溶胶途径传播或传播途径不明、目前尚无有效疫苗或治疗方法的致病微生物或其毒素。

“P4实验室”是目前人类所拥有生物安全等级最高的实验室,也是专用于烈性传染病研究的大型装置,比如埃博拉病毒、天花和此次爆发的新型冠状病毒,一般都是在这种级别的实验室里进行研究的。从外星带回来的物品,也需要在P4实验室研究。

所以,“P4实验室”被称为病毒学研究领域的“航空母舰”。而由于“P4实验室”研究的传染性微生物都是无预防和治疗方法的病毒,也有人将“P4实验室”称为“魔鬼实验室”。

“魔鬼实验室”需要哪些防护?

“P4 实验室”在安全等级方面有极高极高极高的特殊要求。工作人员在 P4 实验室,类似宇航员在太空舱里。

根据百度百科的介绍,各个国家“P4 实验室”设计不尽相同。典型的“P4 实验室”由更衣区、过滤区、缓冲区、消毒区、核心区组成。此外,在实验室的四周装有高效空气过滤器。

到达实验室的核心区,总共有 10 道门。没错!你没看错,是十道门!而且,最里面的7道门是互锁的,如果一道门没有关好,另一道门肯定打不开,这样避免空气的流通。

更衣区依次为外更衣室、淋浴室和内更衣室。消毒区为化学淋浴室,工作人员离开主实验室时首先经过化学淋浴消毒正压防护服表面。核心区任何相邻的门之间都有自动连锁装置,防止两个相邻的门被同时打开。对于不能从更衣室携带进出主实验室的材料、物品和器材,应在主实验室墙上设置具有双门结构的高压灭菌锅、浸泡消毒槽、熏蒸室或带有消毒装置的通风传递窗,以便进行传递或消毒。

在核心区里配有生物安全柜、超低温冰箱、离心机、电热细胞培养柜、显微镜和实验台、小型动物实验室等。生物安全柜顶上有一个直径 0.5 米左右的粗管子,直接通到房顶,它也是负压状态的,一些主要的操作都需要在生物安全柜中进行。

从 P4 实验室拿出的相关的物品必须通过高压灭菌锅消毒后,再用洁净袋充分包装,然后通过传递窗传到准备间。

离开 P4 时,核心区的工作人员要相互把全身从上到下消毒一遍才能走到缓冲间,在缓冲间除去外层防护服、口罩、外层手套,然后将这些放入灭菌容器或消毒袋内。

关闭实验室门之后,再取下防护眼镜,将其放入传递窗进行消毒。然后,工作人员经过另外一个缓冲间,退到准备间。

在这里,他们才可以取下身上所有的防护器具,立即在沐浴室洗澡,之后才可离开实验室。

P4 实验室有严格、复杂的管理程序,为了保证BSL-4实验室的绝对安全,只有得到批准和持有磁卡通行证的人才能进入,有的通过指纹门禁系统进入,而且所有出入的人员都由电脑记录在案。

“P4 实验室”必须要有严格安全流程,因为实验室里的病原体一旦泄露,将造成大范围的传染病甚至被恐怖分子用作生化武器,好莱坞拍摄的生化危机大片将会上演。

据了解,日本的第一个 BSL-4 实验室建于 1981 年,但建成后一直操作的是低风险病原体,直到 2015 年安全问题才得到解决。

全球有哪些“P4 实验室”?

目前除中国之外,全球公开拥有“P4 实验室”的有法国、加拿大、日本、德国、澳大利亚、美国、英国、加蓬(法国巴斯德所)、瑞典和南非等国家。据不完全统计,目前,全球有超过 50 家“P4 实验室”。(▷具体图见文末:全球主要P4实验室)

全球具有代表性的“P4”实验室主要有以下几个。

1、法国,里昂让·梅里厄实验室

这是欧洲第一个“P4 实验室”,也是世界上最先进的生物安全实验室。它于 1999 年 3 月竣工并投入运行。该实验室采用“盒子中的盒子”设计,(武汉病毒研究所即借鉴的该设计)。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

该实验室外层由钢筋和玻璃构成,内层是负压的密封空间。BSL-4 核心区面积为 1000 平方米,分为三层:上层技术区、下层技术区、BSL-4工作区和安全通道区。BSL-4 工作区为两个面积为 60~70 平方米、相互独立的实验室和一个独立的动物实验室构成。

主要从事烈性病毒的检测、诊断、致病机理和疫苗研究,研究的主要有埃博拉病毒、拉萨热病毒、马耳堡病毒、登革热病毒和出血病毒等。

2、日本,国家传染病研究所

1981年在东京都的武藏村山市建立了BSL-4设施,但是一直作为BSL-3实验室运作。

鉴于埃博拉疫情的需要,该设施于2016年申请作为BSL-4实验室运行。

长崎大学计划在2020年左右建成一座规模较大的BSL-4实验室。

3、德国,位于汉堡的热带医学研究所有一个BSL-4实验室

此外,柏林的罗伯特·科赫研究所(RKI)也正在新建一个 BSL-4 实验室。其科学家对各种病原体的分子性质和传播模式进行研究,不仅包括细菌和病毒,还包括像 BSE(疯牛病)病原体的真菌,寄生虫和朊病毒。

4、南非,南非国立病毒研究所(NIV)

成立于 1976 年,后来在其基础上改建而成国立传染病研究所(NICD),并于 2002 年 4 月在约翰内斯堡建成一个BSL-4级的实验室。

这里主要研究HIV病毒的行为以及病毒与宿主的关系,同时还从事埃博拉病毒、出血热病毒、马耳堡病毒、裂谷热病毒、拉萨热病毒和其他呼吸道病毒研究。

5、美国,美国建成的BSL-4实验室

一共有四个,其中一个在马里兰州德特里克堡的美国陆军传染病医学研究所(USAMRIID)内,从事细菌病原学、病毒学及诊断与医学方面的研究。还有一个BSL-4实验室隶属于总部位于佐治亚州亚特兰大的美国疾病预防控制中心(CDC),是世界上最后的天花病毒两个保存地之一。

位于蒙大拿州的隶属于国家感染性疾病研究所的洛基山实验室也在新建一个700平方米的BSL-4实验室。

6、澳大利亚,澳大利亚动物健康实验室

位于维多利亚州的吉朗,能够从事感染性疾病的基础性研究和其他复杂的生物学研究。

维多利亚州北墨尔本的维多利亚传染病研究所下属的国家高安全性实验室主要开展病毒学、微生物学、流行病学和分子生物学研究,重点研究脊髓灰质炎病毒和结核分支杆菌。除一个标准的BSL-4实验室外,还有两个BSL-3实验室。

7、加拿大,加拿大国家微生物学实验室

位于曼尼托巴省温尼伯的加拿大人畜健康科学中心,包括一个BSL-4和多个BSL-3、BSL-2实验室。其BSL-4实验室于1982年开始设计建设,2000年3月投入运行。研究方向有埃博拉病毒、马耳堡病毒和拉萨热病毒等。

中国大陆的 P4 实验室

中国大陆有两个 P4 级别的生物安全实验室:中国科学院武汉国家生物安全实验室和位于哈尔滨的国家动物疫病防控高级别生物安全实验室。

在 2003 年 SARS 爆发之后,中科院就决定启动 P4 实验室建设。武汉 P4 实验室 2005 年获国家发展和改革委员会批准立项,成为中法两国在人口健康、卫生和科技领域最重要的合作项目之一。

该实验室引进了法国里昂 P4 实验室技术和装备,建设内容包括细胞水平生物安全四级实验室在内的烈性病原试验设施、新生疾病研究设施以及烈性疾病病原保藏设施(即包括 BSL-4、BSL-3 以及 BSL-2、普通实验室和动物饲养室等辅助性设施及相关配套设施)。

2018 年 11 月 27 日,武汉 P4 实验室建设项目通过验收,成为我国首个 P4 等级生物安全实验室。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

▲武汉国家生物安全实验室官方图片

根据湖北日报记者实地探访介绍,验室的设计采用类似法国里昂 P4 实验室“盒中盒”(boxinbox)的理念,负责实验室施工建设的工程部技术人员向记者介绍,整个 P4 实验室为悬挂式结构,共分 4 层。

从下至上,底层是污水处理和生命维持系统;二层是核心实验室;二层和三层间的夹层是管道系统;三层是过滤器系统;最上层是空调系统。所有空气将经过两级高效过滤器处理后进行排放,固体污染物要经过高压灭菌锅处理,液体污染物要经过污水处理设备处理,以保证彻底杀灭病原,确保实验室里的病原不会泄露。

“盒子”内部是 300 多平米的二楼核心实验室区域,整个二层大致分为 3 个细胞实验室、2 个动物实验室、1 个动物解剖室、消毒室等。

实验室实验装置安全运行稳定,在运行期间经受了武汉极端冷、热环境检验,供热与供冷系统均是一用一备,在零下 10℃ 到连续 40℃ 高温的环境中,均能实现稳定的供冷供热。

据媒体介绍,人员进入实验室需要耗费大概 15 到 20 分钟时间。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

▲工作人员P4实验室的防护

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

武汉国家生物安全实验室官网介绍,该实验室研究员有袁志明、石正丽、宋冬林;副研究员:郑大胜、黄弋;高级工程师:吴佳、童骁;高级实验师张化俊。

揭秘P4实验室:10道门,能否锁住致命病毒

▲武汉 P4 实验室组织架构图

另外一个,位于哈尔滨的国家动物疫病防控高级别生物安全实验室是全球已建成的 4 个大动物生物安全四级设施之一。该实验室 2004 年立项,2012 年完成施工设计并开工建设,2015 年 12 月建成并通过工程验收,2018 年 7 月获得中国合格评定国家认可委员会(CNAS)认可。

该实验室可开展包括马、牛、羊、猪、禽类及鼠、猴等常规实验动物在内的所有动物感染试验。实验室依托单位为中国农业科学院哈尔滨兽医研究所。

根据媒体报道,该实验室是我国第一个完全自主设计、建设和管理运行的生物安全四级实验室。但该实验室向外披露的信息不多。

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作者:Pascal 留言时间:2020-02-06 23:42:57

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