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· 我像尸体一样躺着 - 刘霞
· 从参议员选举看社会保守派的虚伪
· 税改法案简评
· 红黄蓝事件的不打自招
· 车行普罗旺斯 - 追踪梵高(下)
· 车行普罗旺斯 - 追踪梵高(上)
· 车行普罗旺斯 - 阳光灿烂的吕贝隆
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【车行普罗旺斯】
 · 车行普罗旺斯 - 追踪梵高(下)
 · 车行普罗旺斯 - 追踪梵高(上)
 · 车行普罗旺斯 - 阳光灿烂的吕贝隆
 · 罗马的普罗旺斯
【情迷亚平宁】
 · 百变妖姬科莫湖
 · 参观《最后的晚餐》的一波三折
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 · 达·芬奇的米兰
 · 情迷亚平宁-意大利的吃住玩(2)
 · 情迷亚平宁 - 意大利的吃住玩(1)
 · 情迷亚平宁 - 漫步文艺复兴
 · 情迷亚平宁 - 阿诺“河那边”
 · 情迷亚平宁 - 在文艺复兴的圣地
 · 情迷亚平宁 - 住在六百年的“宫殿”
【中欧音乐之旅】
 · 三个人的布拉格
 · 瓦豪河谷之骑行
 · 瓦豪河谷之梅尔克
 · 《魔笛》-布拉格的音乐大师们
 · 《自新世界》-布拉格的音乐大师们
 · 观歌剧《卡门》(下)
 · 观歌剧《卡门》(上)
 · 布拉格与查理四世
【美食猎人】
 · 侃侃曼哈顿中下城的吃(下)
 · 侃侃曼哈顿下城的吃(中)
 · 侃侃曼哈顿下城的吃(上)
 · 情迷亚平宁-意大利的吃住玩(2)
【伊比利亚狂想】
 · 杜罗河边
 · 塞维利亚是家的感觉
 · 从大教堂到王宫-塞维利亚的历史教科
 · 牧嫂:高迪的巴塞罗那—读你千遍不
 · 压抑的抗争 - 在塞维利亚观弗拉明戈
 · 塞维利亚-教我如何不想她?
 · 牧嫂:预习西班牙(下)
 · 牧嫂:预习西班牙(上)
【临时】
 · .
【随想】
 · 我像尸体一样躺着 - 刘霞
 · 红黄蓝事件的不打自招
 · “安全感”
 · 小默多克致[21世纪福斯]同僚的信
 · 晓波走好…
 · [不洁之人]无法公开发文,吁请网管
 · 谴责《纽约时报》!
 · 就来说说大麻吧…
 · “中共左派实际上是右派”?
 · 二十五年前的今天…
【美国政经】
 · 从参议员选举看社会保守派的虚伪
 · 税改法案简评
 · 科米证词:川普“需要忠诚”
 · 佛林通俄这件事,我们都知道什么?
 · 川普,该交卷了!
 · 战后总统大比拼
 · 昨晚辩论的大赢家…
 · 谁是真的川普?
 · 威斯康星初选以及共和党的前景(下
 · 威斯康星初选以及共和党的前景(上
【牧嫂系列】
 · 牧嫂:湖边偶拍
 · 牧嫂:高迪的巴塞罗那—读你千遍不
 · 牧嫂:预习西班牙(下)
 · 牧嫂:预习西班牙(上)
 · 牧嫂在耆老中心做义工一年了
 · 牧嫂要在耆老中心做义工
 · 牧嫂:2014年室内设计的流行色彩 -
【东游西逛】
 · 侃侃曼哈顿中下城的吃(下)
 · 侃侃曼哈顿下城的吃(中)
 · 侃侃曼哈顿下城的吃(上)
 · 辞旧迎新,在时代广场
 · 扭腰:在曼哈顿河边晨跑
 · 不被恐惧去扭腰
 · 凯路亚古镇的傍晚 - 夏威夷7
 · 茂宜岛拾遗(下) - 夏威夷6
 · 茂宜岛拾遗(上) - 夏威夷5
 · 漫步流云彩虹间:穿行在哈雷阿卡拉
【居陋室而观天下】
 · Ring Of Fire苏醒了吗?
 · 快讯:比利时连环爆炸 欧洲进入警戒
 · 极端穆斯林恐怖阴影下的感人故事
 · 从希腊公投说起
 · 台湾九合一选举揭晓后的两点感想
 · 联合国安理会必须改革
 · 多伦多市长真的摊上大事了!
 · 多伦多市长摊上大事了!
 · 加拿大总理摊上大事儿了!
 · 美加家庭收入及税赋的简单比较
【枫叶旗下】
 · 晒晒我的选票…保守党候选人政纲浅
 · 就来说说大麻吧…
 · 呼吁华裔积极参加今年的保守党党魁
 · 加拿大史上最严重火灾,呼吁捐款
 · 关于叙利亚难民的思考
 · 送别哈珀、寄语小特
 · 侃两句加拿大大选
 · 安省选举:为什么应该抛弃自由党?
 · 多伦多市长真的摊上大事了!
 · 多伦多市长摊上大事了!
【毋忘六四】
 · 今晚,请点燃一支蜡烛
 · 他们选择记忆 - 为六四所作
 · 那夜,那一声枪响…
 · 因为我们相信美好
 · 叶子 — 无辜
 · 纪念六四与玷污六四
 · ZT:六四二十六周年致国内同学公开信
 · 看客:我经历的六四
 · 从十八万香港人纪念六四想到的(微
 · 观《天安门》、反思六四
【2012回国笔记】
 · 回国笔记(结语):几点感受
 · 回国笔记(九)
 · 回国笔记(八)
 · 回国笔记(七)
 · 回国笔记(六)
 · 回国笔记(五)
 · 回国笔记(四)
 · 回国笔记(三)
 · 回国笔记(二)
 · 回国笔记(一)
【北美维权系列】
 · 北美维权系列 - 为什么维权?
 · 北美维权系列(5)-一次房屋买卖
 · 北美维权系列(4)-我与电讯公司和健
 · 北美维权系列(3) - 我与租车公司的
 · 北美维权系列(2)-牧嫂与车保公司的
 · 北美维权系列(2) – 牧嫂与汽车保险
 · 北美维权系列(1) – 我与警察的故事
【哈!】
 · 公孙明拉黑牧人的原因是…
 · 现代寓言:狼和狈的故事
 · 周末一笑:SB加班
 · 周末一笑:床铺不筑墙了?
 · ZT:这是中国队被黑最惨的一届奥运
 · “我伯父解放了柏林”
 · 周末一笑:五毛开会
 · 周末一笑:妻子被高衙内劫走后、豹
 · 周末一笑:妻子被高衙内劫走后、豹
 · 周末一笑:豹子头、林娘子及高衙内
【我的大学】
 · 又到三十年 - 西安西安(下)
 · 又到三十年 - 西安西安(上 )
 · 又到三十年 - 我的大学(考研)
 · 又到三十年 - 我的大学(二)
 · 又到三十年 - 我的大学(一)
【分析选摘】
 · 牧师致希拉里的信令人感动!
 · ZT外国专家:已准备好接收 刘晓波能
 · 农家乐:戏言莫当真,对中共到底该
 · 阎连科:审查制度不是能否写出好作
 · 川普要诉纽时 纽时说“来吧”
 · 默克尔的德国在绥靖的道路上越走越
 · BBC:击落马航飞机的导弹来自俄国
 · ZT:罗雪娟-泳池中的水不太干净
 · 官媒撒谎何时休?越南政府反驳新华
 · ZT:从此炎黄无春秋
【TMP】
【IT乱弹】
 · 用Roku收看中文电视及油管、并向【
 · 我的电视解决方案
 · 挨拍苹果与玩书黑莓
 · 今年CES上的中华亮点
【观后感】
 · 谁是薇薇安·迈尔?(多图)
 · 祝贺李安!(围脖)
 · 《中国好声音》:彝族母女歌手
 · 推荐幼河的《钱毅诚,你就这么走了
 · 斯皮尔伯格的新电影《战马》
【看比赛去】
 · 世纪之战还是“世纪忽悠”?
 · 奥运世纪丑闻及后续影响
 · 不是金牌第一又如何?
 · Holy cow 狗击败棋王!
 · 洋基队队长基特童话般的退休
 · 第八套广播体操(视频)
 · 枫叶队NHL季后赛第二场, Go Leafs
 · Aussies 创名人赛历史(微博)
 · 大学橄榄球赛明天揭幕
 · 三月疯狂:终极四强对决
【胜水荷芳】
 · 家乡的那点儿事儿
 · 电影《小兵张嘎》
【俺们村儿】
 · 热辣寒冰半程马拉松:一生一次
 · 安大略湖边散步随拍
 · 十二月二十二日记录:冰雪、冰雨、
 · 你用不用冲牙器?
 · 美丽的錫姆科湖
 · 龙舟赛
 · 儿子的礼物(照片)
 · 苦战三天,大有斩获(多图)
 · 儿子给母亲的礼物(照片)
 · 我几乎赢了超速告票
存档目录
12/01/2017 - 12/31/2017
11/01/2017 - 11/30/2017
10/01/2017 - 10/31/2017
08/01/2017 - 08/31/2017
07/01/2017 - 07/31/2017
06/01/2017 - 06/30/2017
05/01/2017 - 05/31/2017
04/01/2017 - 04/30/2017
03/01/2017 - 03/31/2017
02/01/2017 - 02/28/2017
10/01/2016 - 10/31/2016
09/01/2016 - 09/30/2016
08/01/2016 - 08/31/2016
07/01/2016 - 07/31/2016
06/01/2016 - 06/30/2016
05/01/2016 - 05/31/2016
04/01/2016 - 04/30/2016
03/01/2016 - 03/31/2016
02/01/2016 - 02/29/2016
01/01/2016 - 01/31/2016
12/01/2015 - 12/31/2015
11/01/2015 - 11/30/2015
10/01/2015 - 10/31/2015
09/01/2015 - 09/30/2015
08/01/2015 - 08/31/2015
07/01/2015 - 07/31/2015
06/01/2015 - 06/30/2015
05/01/2015 - 05/31/2015
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11/01/2014 - 11/30/2014
10/01/2014 - 10/31/2014
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08/01/2014 - 08/31/2014
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05/01/2014 - 05/31/2014
04/01/2014 - 04/30/2014
03/01/2014 - 03/31/2014
02/01/2014 - 02/28/2014
01/01/2014 - 01/31/2014
12/01/2013 - 12/31/2013
11/01/2013 - 11/30/2013
10/01/2013 - 10/31/2013
08/01/2013 - 08/31/2013
07/01/2013 - 07/31/2013
06/01/2013 - 06/30/2013
05/01/2013 - 05/31/2013
04/01/2013 - 04/30/2013
03/01/2013 - 03/31/2013
02/01/2013 - 02/28/2013
01/01/2013 - 01/31/2013
12/01/2012 - 12/31/2012
11/01/2012 - 11/30/2012
10/01/2012 - 10/31/2012
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03/01/2012 - 03/31/2012
02/01/2012 - 02/29/2012
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科米证词:川普“需要忠诚”
   

“我需要忠诚,我预期忠诚 I  need loyalty, I expect loyalty”。

在科米给参议院的书面证词中,科米这样描述了两人的第一次私人会面。

证词很长,择要摘录如下:

  • 在一月二十七日的二人晚餐上,川普问科米还想不想做FBI局长,然后告诉科米他需要loyalty。

  • 二月十四日在反恐汇报之后,川普再次要求其他人离开。之后要求科米终止有关佛林的调查:“I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go. He is a good guy. I hope you can let this go,’’ 。

  • 三月下旬,川普给科米打电话。在电话里,川普告诉科米“通俄调查”像“一块乌云”悬在空中、妨碍了他的领导能力,“我在俄罗斯时没嫖过”,然后问怎样才能“拨开乌云 lift the cloud”;这次通话后科米致电执行司法部长Boente询问方向,但是Boente一直没有答复他。

  • 四月十一日,川普打电话问科米做了什么、让公众知道他(川普)没有被调查;“我对你一直很loyal,不过你知道我们之间有'那件事'”。这是科米最后一次跟川普讲话。

几个相关事件:

  • 五月三日,科米在参议院作证时拒绝否认俄罗斯和川普竞选有共谋 collusion;五月九日科米被炒;

  • 华邮报道说,三月二十二日川普在和情报总监寇茨Coats及中情局长庞贝罗Pompero的单独谈话中,询问两人是否可以阻止科米的通俄调查;在今天的国会作证中,寇茨和庞贝罗均拒绝回答这个问题;

  • ABC News 报道说,川普对司法部长塞申斯Jeff Sessions在通俄调查中避嫌recuse大为光火,几次公开痛斥塞申斯,以至于塞申斯老脸挂不住了,说可以辞职;昨天的新闻发布会上记者问Spicer川普对塞申斯是否还有信心,Spicer竟然不敢回答。

科米明天在参议院作证的Opening Statement


June 8, 2017

(以下译文来自《世界日报》)

Burr主席、Warner副主席、情报委员会的各位,谢谢你们邀请我出席向你们作证。今天我被要求就你们感兴趣的主题,来描述我与总统当选人及总统川普的互动过程。我(的证词)并未包括与总统对话的每一个细节,但我尽最大努力包含了所有与委员会寻求内容相关的信息。

Chairman Burr, Ranking Member Warner, Members of the Committee.

Thank you for inviting me to appear before you today. I was asked to testify today to describe for you my interactions with President-Elect and President Trump on subjects that I understand are of interest to you. I have not included every detail from my conversations with the President, but, to the best of my recollection, I have tried to include information that may be relevant to the Committee.

 Jan 6 Briefing 

我第一次与当时还是后任总统的川普会面,是1月6日(周五)在纽约川普大厦的一间会议室。当时我和其他情报社区(Intelligence Community,IC)领导要去给他和他的新国安团队简报,介绍关于IC评估俄罗斯干预大选的发现。简报结尾,我单独留下向候任总统介绍评估过程中收集的一些个人敏感信息。

出于多种原因,IC领导层认为有必要就该材料的存在警示未来总统,即便(该材料)丑恶且未经证实。原因包括,一、我们知道媒体将会公开报导这些材料,我们相信IC不应该向总统隐瞒对该材料的认识,以及材料即将公布的事实;二、在某种程度上,外界有危害新总统的一些行动和努力,我们可以用防守式简报来削弱这类行动和努力。

国家情报总监要求我个人来完成该部分的简报,因为我仍然留任FBI局长一职,且该材料涉及FBI的反情报职责。我们也一致认为应由我单独完成,以最小化可能对候任总统造成的尴尬。虽然我们都认为让我来做这个简报说得通,但FBI的领导和我也担心,该简报可能会造成“新总统就任时,不确定FBI是否正对其个人行为进行反情报调查”的局面。

理解FBI反情报调查与更常见的犯罪调查作业不同,是十分重要的。FBI对反情报调查的目标,在于了解被敌对外国势力用来影响美国、盗取美国机密的技术及人为手段。FBI会利用这些信息来破坏敌对势力的行动和努力。破坏的形式有时是提醒某个被视作招募目标或被外国势力影响的人;有时则是强化已被攻击的电脑系统;还有的时候是将被招募的人“转变”为双重间谍,或以制裁公开行动、驱逐驻扎在大使馆的情报人员;必要时也会使用刑事诉讼来中断情报活动。

因为敌对外国势力的本质广为人知,反情报调查倾向于聚焦被FBI怀疑是外国情报人员的自知或不自知的个人。当FBI找到理由相信某个美国人已被外国势力视作招募目标,或正秘密扮演外国情报人员的角色,FBI就会对该美国人展开调查,并动用合法权威,努力了解更多关于他与外国势力关系的本质,由此来中断情报活动。

基于上述背景,我在1月6日的会议之前,曾与FBI领导团队讨论,是否应该准备好向总统当选人川普保证,我们并没有调查他个人。这是千真万确的,我们没有对川普个人展开反情报调查。我们一致认为,如果环境准许,我应该这么做(指告知川普)。在川普大厦举行的那次一对一会议中,基于总统当选人川普对简报的反应,以及他并未直接向情报首长提出该问题,我向他表达了(FBI并未调查他个人的)保证。

我感觉必须要在备忘录中纪录与总统当选人的首次对话。为了确保准确,我在结束会议之后,立刻就在川普大厦之外的一辆FBI车内,开始用笔记本电脑打字纪录。从那之后,在与川普先生一对一交谈后书写纪录,就成了我的惯例。不过之前我没有这个惯例。我曾两次与欧巴马总统单独面谈(从未在电话上)——有一次是在2015年,我们讨论执法部门的政策议题;第二次则是2016年底,他简要的跟我说再见。但这两次我都没有纪录讨论详情。我能回忆起过去四个月来与川普总统的9次一对一谈话,其中3次是面谈,6次是透过电话。

I first met then-President-Elect Trump on Friday, January 6 in a conference room at Trump Tower in New York. I was there with other Intelligence Community (IC) leaders to brief him and his new national security team on the findings of an IC assessment concerning Russian efforts to interfere in the election. At the conclusion of that briefing, I remained alone with the President Elect to brief him on some personally sensitive aspects of the information assembled during the assessment.

The IC leadership thought it important, for a variety of reasons, to alert the incoming President to the existence of this material, even though it was salacious and unverified. Among those reasons were: (1) we knew the media was about to publicly report the material and we believed the IC should not keep knowledge of the material and its imminent release from the President-Elect; and (2) to the extent there was some effort to compromise an incoming President, we could blunt any such effort with a defensive briefing.

The Director of National Intelligence asked that I personally do this portion of the briefing because I was staying in my position and because the material implicated the FBI's counter-intelligence responsibilities. We also agreed I would do it alone to minimize potential embarrassment to the President-Elect. Although we agreed it made sense for me to do the briefing, the FBI's leadership and I were concerned that the briefing might create a situation where a new President came into office uncertain about whether the FBI was conducting a counter-intelligence investigation of his personal conduct.

It is important to understand that FBI counter-intelligence investigations are different than the more-commonly known criminal investigative work. The Bureau's goal in a counter-intelligence investigation is to understand the technical and human methods that hostile foreign powers are using to influence the United States or to steal our secrets. The FBI uses that understanding to disrupt those efforts. Sometimes disruption takes the form of alerting a person who is targeted for recruitment or influence by the foreign power. Sometimes it involves hardening a computer system that is being attacked. Sometimes it involves "turning" the recruited person into a double-agent, or publicly calling out the behavior with sanctions or expulsions of embassy-based intelligence officers. On occasion, criminal prosecution is used to disrupt intelligence activities.

Because the nature of the hostile foreign nation is well known, counterintelligence investigations tend to be centered on individuals the FBI suspects to be witting or unwitting agents of that foreign power. When the FBI develops reason to believe an American has been targeted for recruitment by a foreign power or is covertly acting as an agent of the foreign power, the FBI will "open an investigation" on that American and use legal authorities to try to learn more about the nature of any relationship with the foreign power so it can be disrupted.

In that context, prior to the January 6 meeting, I discussed with the FBI's leadership team whether I should be prepared to assure President-Elect Trump that we were not investigating him personally. That was true; we did not have an open counter-intelligence case on him. We agreed I should do so if circumstances warranted. During our one-on-one meeting at Trump Tower, based on President Elect Trump's reaction to the briefing and without him directly asking the Intelligence chiefs won't say if Trump asked them to downplay Russia probe question, I offered that assurance.

I felt compelled to document my first conversation with the President-Elect in a memo. To ensure accuracy, I began to type it on a laptop in an FBI vehicle outside Trump Tower the moment I walked out of the meeting. Creating written records immediately after one-on-one conversations with Mr. Trump was my practice from that point forward. This had not been my practice in the past. I spoke alone with President Obama twice in person (and never on the phone) -- once in 2015 to discuss law enforcement policy issues and a second time, briefly, for him to say goodbye in late 2016. In neither of those circumstances did I memorialize the discussions. I can recall nine one-on-one conversations with President Trump in four months -- three in person and six on the phone.

January 27 Dinner

总统和我曾于1月27日(周五)晚6时30分在白宫的“绿厅”共进晚餐。他那天在午餐时间给我电话,邀请我当晚赴晚餐,并说他本来打算邀请我全家,但最后决定只邀请我一人,下次再邀请全家人一起来。虽然我设想晚餐还会有其他人,但那次(通话时的)交谈并未说清还有谁会参加晚餐。

结果晚餐只有我们俩人,坐在“绿厅”中间的小椭圆桌边。两名海军服务员为我们提供了服务,不过只是进来送食物和饮品。

总统开场便问我是否想留任FBI局长,这让我感到奇怪,因为在早先的谈话中,他已经两次向我表示,他希望我留任;而我也向他保证我有此打算。他说有很多人想要我这份工作,考虑到我在过去一年的滥用职权,他想知道我是否打算离职

我的直觉告诉我,在这样一个一对一、且假装这是我们第一次谈论我职位的环境下,这次的晚餐至少有部分原因是为了让我请求留任这份工作,并(在我和总统之间)营造某种主仆关系。考虑到FBI传统上都是独立于行政机构,这让我非常担心。

我回答说,我热爱我的工作,也打算留任,并服务完10年的局长任期。随后,因为当时的场景让我不太舒服,我多加了一句:我不是政客所理解的那种“可靠”,但他可以指望我总是告诉他实情。我还说,政治上我不与任何人站边,也不能以传统政治角度被指望。我告诉他,我的这一立场,最符合他作为总统的利益。

过了一会儿,总统说,“我需要忠诚、期待忠诚。”之后便陷入尴尬的沉默,但我没有说话、行动或改变面部表情,我们只是默默地看着彼此。随后谈话继续,但他在晚餐尾声时,又转回该话题。我还一度解释为何FBI、司法部独立于白宫之外如此重要。我说这是自相矛盾的悖论:综观历史,有些总统曾决定,因为“问题”来自司法,他们应该努力与司法部紧密联系。但经由降低公众对机构及其工作的信任来模糊这些界线,最终会让问题更糟。

晚餐近尾声时,总统回到关于我工作的话题,称他非常高兴我想留下,并表示他从Jim Mattis(国防部长马提斯)、Jeff Sessions(司法部长塞辛斯)等其他人口中听到关于我的很好的事。然后他说:“我需要忠诚。”我回答:“您将永远受到我的诚实相待。”他顿了顿,然后说:“这就是我想要的,诚实的忠诚。”我顿了顿说,“您将从我这获得这个。”正如我在晚餐后立即纪录的备忘录中所写,有可能我们彼此对“诚实的忠诚”理解不同,但我认定进一步深究不会更有成效。“诚实的忠诚”已经帮忙结束了一场非常尴尬的谈话,而且我的解释已经明确表明他应该期望什么。

晚餐期间,总统曾谈到1月6日我向他提及的丑恶材料,和先前一样,他表达了自己对这些指控的厌恶,并强烈否定所有指控。他说,他正在考虑下令让我调查这些指控,并证明它们从未发生。我回答,他应该对此慎重考虑,因为这可能会落下“我们(指FBI)正调查他个人”的口实。而我们不会调查,因为很难举反证。他说他会考虑,并让我也考虑。

作为我和总统川普对话后的惯例,我在晚餐结束后立即详尽写下备忘录,并与FBI高级领导团队共享。

The President and I had dinner on Friday, January 27 at 6:30 pm in the Green Room at the White House. He had called me at lunchtime that day and invited me to dinner that night, saying he was going to invite my whole family, but decided to have just me this time, with the whole family coming the next time. It was unclear from the conversation who else would be at the dinner, although I assumed there would be others.

It turned out to be just the two of us, seated at a small oval table in the center of the Green Room. Two Navy stewards waited on us, only entering the room to serve food and drinks.

The President began by asking me whether I wanted to stay on as FBI Director, which I found strange because he had already told me twice in earlier conversations that he hoped I would stay, and I had assured him that I intended to. He said that lots of people wanted my job and, given the abuse I had taken during the previous year, he would understand if I wanted to walk away.

My instincts told me that the one-on-one setting, and the pretense that this was our first discussion about my position, meant the dinner was, at least in part, an effort to have me ask for my job and create some sort of patronage relationship. That concerned me greatly, given the FBI's traditionally independent status in the executive branch.

I replied that I loved my work and intended to stay and serve out my ten-year term as Director. And then, because the set-up made me uneasy, I added that I was not "reliable" in the way politicians use that word, but he could always count on me to tell him the truth. I added that I was not on anybody's side politically and could not be counted on in the traditional political sense, a stance I said was in his best interest as the President.

A few moments later, the President said, "I need loyalty, I expect loyalty." I didn't move, speak, or change my facial expression in any way during the awkward silence that followed. We simply looked at each other in silence. The conversation then moved on, but he returned to the subject near the end of our dinner. At one point, I explained why it was so important that the FBI and the Department of Justice be independent of the White House. I said it was a paradox: Throughout history, some Presidents have decided that because "problems" come from Justice, they should try to hold the Department close. But blurring those boundaries ultimately makes the problems worse by undermining public trust in the institutions and their work.

Near the end of our dinner, the President returned to the subject of my job, saying he was very glad I wanted to stay, adding that he had heard great things about me from Jim Mattis, Jeff Sessions, and many others. He then said, "I need loyalty." I replied, "You will always get honesty from me." He paused and then said, "That's what I want, honest loyalty." I paused, and then said, "You will get that from me." As I wrote in the memo I created immediately after the dinner, it is possible we understood the phrase "honest loyalty" differently, but I decided it wouldn't be productive to push it further. The term -- honest loyalty -- had helped end a very awkward conversation and my explanations had made clear what he should expect.

During the dinner, the President returned to the salacious material I had briefed him about on January 6, and, as he had done previously, expressed his disgust for the allegations and strongly denied them. He said he was considering ordering me to investigate the alleged incident to prove it didn't happen. I replied that he should give that careful thought because it might create a narrative that we were investigating him personally, which we weren't, and because it was very difficult to prove a negative. He said he would think about it and asked me to think about it.

As was my practice for conversations with President Trump, I wrote a detailed memo about the dinner immediately afterwards and shared it with the senior leadership team of the FBI.

February 14 Oval Office Meeting

2月14日,我为了向总统进行反恐简报赴椭圆形办公室。他坐在桌子后面,我们一群人坐在桌子另一边的六张椅子上面对着他。副总统、中央情报局副局长、国家反恐中心主任、国土安全部长、司法部长和我坐在椅子上围成半圆,我直接面对总统,坐在中情局副局长和国家反恐中心主任之间。房间里还有不少人,坐在我们后面的沙发和椅子上。

总统以感谢小组的方式示意结束简报,并告诉他们他想单独与我谈话。我留在椅子上。其他与会者开始离开椭圆形办公室,司法部长在我椅子旁徘徊,但总统感谢他,并表示他只想单独与我说话。最后一名离开的人库许纳,他也站在我的椅子旁并与我寒暄。总统之后告诉他(库许纳),他想和我说话。

当落地钟旁的门关上,我们独处,总统开始说,“我想谈谈佛林(Mike Flynn)。”佛林在前一天请辞了。总统开始说佛林与俄罗斯人谈话并没有错,但他不得不让他走,因为他误导副总统。他补充,他对于佛林有其它担忧之处,但他没有具体说明。

总统之后对于泄漏机密情资发表一连串评论-我也同样担忧。在他以数分钟谈论泄漏情资之后,蒲博思(白宫幕僚长)从落地钟旁的门凑近,我可以看到一群人在他后面。总统向他挥手示意关上门,说他很快完成。门关上了。

总统随后回到佛林的话题,他说,“他是一名好人,经历了很多事情。”他重申佛林与俄罗斯人通话并没有做错,但是误导了副总统。然后他说,“我希望你能看清楚,放过此事,放过佛林。他是名好人。我希望你能放过他。”我只回答“他是名好人。”(事实上,我在FBI任期初期与时任国防情报局局长的佛林有过良好共事经验。)我没有说我会“放过”。

总统简要回顾泄漏的问题。然后我起身并从落地钟旁的门离开,我穿过一大群等待的人,包括蒲博思与副总统。

我立即准备一分关于佛林谈话的非机密备忘录,并与联邦调查局高级领导层讨论。我理解到总统要求我们放弃关于佛林错误陈述其与俄罗斯大使在12月谈话的任何调查。我未理解到总统是在谈论他的竞选团队与俄罗斯之间可能连结的更广泛调查。我可能是错的,但我认为他关注于刚发生的佛林离任一事,以及关于佛林的通话争议。无论如何,这对于联邦调查局作为独立调查机构的角色,非常令人忧虑。

联邦调查局领导团队同意我认为不因总统要求而影响调查团队的重要性,我们不打算遵守。我们也得出结论,鉴于这是一对一的对话,没有任何事物可证实我的陈述。我们的结论是对司法部长塞辛斯报告此事没有意义,我们预计他会退出与俄罗斯相关的调查。(他两周后如此做了。)副司法部长的角色之后由一名美国律师递补代理,他也不会长久任职。

在讨论此问题之后,我们决定保持密切关注,在调查过程中决定如何处理此问题。调查快速进行,没有任何调查团队成员或司法部律师知道总统的要求。

不久之后,我当面与司法部长塞辛斯会谈,传达总统对于泄漏情资的担忧。我借此机会恳请司法部长避免让我与总统之间再有任何直接沟通。我告诉司法部长刚才发生的事,他被要求离开,而应向司法部长报告的联邦调查局长却被留下,这是不适当且不该发生的事。他并未回应。由于上述原因,我没有提到总统提及关于佛林的潜在调查。

On February 14, I went to the Oval Office for a scheduled counterterrorism briefing of the President. He sat behind the desk and a group of us sat in a semi-circle of about six chairs facing him on the other side of the desk. The Vice President, Deputy Director of the CIA, Director of the National CounterTerrorism Center, Secretary of Homeland Security, the Attorney General, and I were in the semi-circle of chairs. I was directly facing the President, sitting between the Deputy CIA Director and the Director of NCTC. There were quite a few others in the room, sitting behind us on couches and chairs.

The President signaled the end of the briefing by thanking the group and telling them all that he wanted to speak to me alone. I stayed in my chair. As the participants started to leave the Oval Office, the Attorney General lingered by my chair, but the President thanked him and said he wanted to speak only with me. The last person to leave was Jared Kushner, who also stood by my chair and exchanged pleasantries with me. The President then excused him, saying he wanted to speak with me.

When the door by the grandfather clock closed, and we were alone, the President began by saying, "I want to talk about Mike Flynn." Flynn had resigned the previous day. The President began by saying Flynn hadn't done anything wrong in speaking with the Russians, but he had to let him go because he had misled the Vice President. He added that he had other concerns about Flynn, which he did not then specify.

The President then made a long series of comments about the problem with leaks of classified information -- a concern I shared and still share. After he had spoken for a few minutes about leaks, Reince Priebus leaned in through the door by the grandfather clock and I could see a group of people waiting behind him. The President waved at him to close the door, saying he would be done shortly. The door closed.

The President then returned to the topic of Mike Flynn, saying, "He is a good guy and has been through a lot." He repeated that Flynn hadn't done anything wrong on his calls with the Russians, but had misled the Vice President. He then said, "I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go. He is a good guy. I hope you can let this go." I replied only that "he is a good guy." (In fact, I had a positive experience dealing with Mike Flynn when he was a colleague as Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency at the beginning of my term at FBI.) I did not say I would "let this go."

The President returned briefly to the problem of leaks. I then got up and left out the door by the grandfather clock, making my way through the large group of people waiting there, including Mr. Priebus and the Vice President.

I immediately prepared an unclassified memo of the conversation about Flynn and discussed the matter with FBI senior leadership. I had understood the President to be requesting that we drop any investigation of Flynn in connection with false statements about his conversations with the Russian ambassador in December. I did not understand the President to be talking about the broader investigation into Russia or possible links to his campaign. I could be wrong, but I took him to be focusing on what had just happened with Flynn's departure and the controversy around his account of his phone calls. Regardless, it was very concerning, given the FBI's role as an independent investigative agency.

The FBI leadership team agreed with me that it was important not to infect the investigative team with the President's request, which we did not intend to abide. We also concluded that, given that it was a one-on-one conversation, there was nothing available to corroborate my account. We concluded it made little sense to report it to Attorney General Sessions, who we expected would likely recuse himself from involvement in Russia-related investigations. (He did so two weeks later.) The Deputy Attorney General's role was then filled in an acting capacity by a United States Attorney, who would also not be long in the role. After discussing the matter, we decided to keep it very closely held, resolving to figure out what to do with it down the road as our investigation progressed. The investigation moved ahead at full speed, with none of the investigative team members -- or the Department of Justice lawyers supporting them -- aware of the President's request.

Shortly afterwards, I spoke with Attorney General Sessions in person to pass along the President's concerns about leaks. I took the opportunity to implore the Attorney General to prevent any future direct communication between the President and me. I told the AG that what had just happened -- him being asked to leave while the FBI Director, who reports to the AG, remained behind -- was inappropriate and should never happen. He did not reply. For the reasons discussed above, I did not mention that the President broached the FBI's potential investigation of General Flynn.

March 30 Phone Call

3月30日上午,总统致电到联邦调查局找我。他形容关于俄罗斯的调查为“一团疑云”,有损他代表国家行事的能力。他说他和俄罗斯没有任何关系,也认为他在俄罗斯时有被纪录。他问我们可做什么“解开疑云”。我回应我们正尽快调查此事,若我们没能找到任何事物,将会有很大助益。他同意,但之后再次强调此事对他造成的问题。

总统之后询问为何国会在前一周就俄罗斯一事进行的听证会,我如司法部指示、确认了正进行关于俄罗斯与川普竞选团队之间可能关系的调查。我解释,国会两党领袖要求更多资讯,参议员葛拉斯里甚至延迟副司法部长的任命,直到我们向他简报调查的详情。我解释说,我们已经向国会领袖报告我们在调查哪些人,且我们也告诉国会领袖我们并没有调查总统川普。我提醒他我曾告诉他此事。他反复告诉我,“我们需要释出事实。”(我没有告诉总统,联调局和司法部不愿公开发表声明指出我们没有针对总统川普的案件,有很多原因,最主要是这会有指正的责任。)

总统继续说,如果有些他的随员做错事情,发现错误是很好的,但是他并没有做错什么,希望我能找到方式让外界知道我们没有调查他。

他突然把话题转向联调局副局长麦凯比,说他没有提起“麦凯比的事”,因为我说麦凯比值得尊敬,虽然麦凯比亲近克林顿并给予其竞选资金(我想他指的是麦凯比的太太)。虽然我不理解为何总统提出此事,我重申麦凯比是位值得尊敬的人。

他结束通话前,强调“疑云”妨碍他为国家谈判的能力,并表示希望我能找出方法释出他未受调查。我告诉他我会看我们能做什么,且我们会尽快将调查工作做好。

这次通话后,我立即致电代理副司法部长波恩特(司法部长塞辛斯当时已自行回避俄罗斯相关案件),向他报告总统致电的内容,并告诉他我会等候他的指示。在总统两周后再度致电给我之前,我没有收到他的回复。

On the morning of March 30, the President called me at the FBI. He described the Russia investigation as "a cloud" that was impairing his ability to act on behalf of the country. He said he had nothing to do with Russia, had not been involved with hookers in Russia, and had always assumed he was being recorded when in Russia. He asked what we could do to "lift the cloud." I responded that we were investigating the matter as quickly as we could, and that there would be great benefit, if we didn't find anything, to our having done the work well. He agreed, but then re-emphasized the problems this was causing him.

Then the President asked why there had been a congressional hearing about Russia the previous week -- at which I had, as the Department of Justice directed, confirmed the investigation into possible coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign. I explained the demands from the leadership of both parties in Congress for more information, and that Senator Grassley had even held up the confirmation of the Deputy Attorney General until we briefed him in detail on the investigation. I explained that we had briefed the leadership of Congress on exactly which individuals we were investigating and that we had told those Congressional leaders that we were not personally investigating President Trump. I reminded him I had previously told him that. He repeatedly told me, "We need to get that fact out." (I did not tell the President that the FBI and the Department of Justice had been reluctant to make public statements that we did not have an open case on President Trump for a number of reasons, most importantly because it would create a duty to correct, should that change.)

The President went on to say that if there were some "satellite" associates of his who did something wrong, it would be good to find that out, but that he hadn't done anything wrong and hoped I would find a way to get it out that we weren't investigating him.

In an abrupt shift, he turned the conversation to FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, saying he hadn't brought up "the McCabe thing" because I had said McCabe was honorable, although McAuliffe was close to the Clintons and had given him (I think he meant Deputy Director McCabe's wife) campaign money. Although I didn't understand why the President was bringing this up, I repeated that Mr. McCabe was an honorable person.

He finished by stressing "the cloud" that was interfering with his ability to make deals for the country and said he hoped I could find a way to get out that he wasn't being investigated. I told him I would see what we could do, and that we would do our investigative work well and as quickly as we could.

Immediately after that conversation, I called Acting Deputy Attorney General Dana Boente (AG Sessions had by then recused himself on all Russia-related matters), to report the substance of the call from the President, and said I would await his guidance. I did not hear back from him before the President called me again two weeks later.

April 11 Phone Call

4月11日上午,总统致电给我,并问我对于他要求释出他并未受到调查一事做了什么。我回答,我将他的要求传达给代理副司法部长,但没有收到回复。他回答说“疑云”阻碍了他的工作能力。他说他也许会请他的人联系代理副司法部长。我说他的要求本应如此处理。我说白宫律师应该联络司法部提出要求,这是传统的管道。

他说他会这么做,并补充说,“因为我对你忠诚,非常忠诚;我们之间有那事,你知道的。”我没有回复也没有询问他“那事”是什么意思。我只说,处理此事的方式事让白宫律师致电代理副司法部长。他说他会这么做,通话结束了。

那是我最后一次与总统川普说话。

On the morning of April 11, the President called me and asked what I had done about his request that I "get out" that he is not personally under investigation. I replied that I had passed his request to the Acting Deputy Attorney General, but I had not heard back. He replied that "the cloud" was getting in the way of his ability to do his job. He said that perhaps he would have his people reach out to the Acting Deputy Attorney General. I said that was the way his request should be handled. I said the White House Counsel should contact the leadership of DOJ to make the request, which was the traditional channel.

He said he would do that and added, "Because I have been very loyal to you, very loyal; we had that thing you know." I did not reply or ask him what he meant by "that thing." I said only that the way to handle it was to have the White

House Counsel call the Acting Deputy Attorney General. He said that was what he would do and the call ended.

That was the last time I spoke with President Trump.


 
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