重構世界秩序的全球治理藍圖:從主權危機到交互共生
A Global Governance Blueprint for Reconstructing World Order: From the Crisis of Sovereignty to Intersubjective Symbiosism
(徵求意見簽名稿Draft for Public Consultation and Endorsement) 交互主體共生基金會(加拿大) Intersubjective Symbiosis Foundation(CANADA)
一、歷史癥結:威斯特伐利亞體系的結構局限與羅斯福理想的困境 要理解今日全球治理日益加深的失靈與癱瘓,必須首先重新審視現代國際秩序的底層操作結構——威斯特伐利亞體系(Westphalian System,1648)的歷史局限。 自1648年《威斯特伐利亞和約》確立以來,該體系曾有效終結歐洲長期宗教戰爭,並逐步形成現代國際法、國家邊界與主權國家秩序。它在近代文明演進過程中,具有不可忽視的歷史意義。 然而,其建立於“主權排他性”基礎上的治理邏輯,在全球化、智能化與生態危機時代,越來越難以處理跨越國界的人類共通事務。 威斯特伐利亞體系事實上確立了三項核心原則:主權國家作為國際事務的主要合法單元、領土邊界作為排他性治理空間,以及在無更高公共權威之上的國際無政府狀態。在這一結構下,“國家利益”天然優先於“人類整體利益”,國際秩序長期依賴大國均勢與實力威懾維持脆弱平衡。 這一體系在面對當代全球性挑戰時,逐漸暴露出深層悖論,並使二戰後羅斯福試圖通過聯合國建立集體安全秩序的理想主義方案,始終難以真正落地。 聯合國安理會“大國一致原則”的“一票否決制”,實際上正是威斯特伐利亞主權邏輯與強權政治相互妥協後的制度產物,其內部長期存在兩組難以徹底調和的結構性矛盾: 其一,是“主權俱樂部”與“全球安全治理”之間的矛盾。國際社會既希望維持主權國家的獨立性與自主性,又希望建立具有現實執行力的全球安全機制,但卻始終無法解決“誰來執法、誰來授權、誰來約束執法者”的根本難題。 其二,是“大國一致原則”與“人類共通責任”之間的矛盾。安理會的大國否決機制,在現實上確認了強權政治仍然是國際秩序的重要底層邏輯,而“不干涉內政”原則,則往往使國際社會在面對戰爭、人道災難、生物安全與跨境危機時陷入長期遲滯。 在1945年的舊金山會議上,胡適作為中國代表團成員參與了聯合國創製進程。他所代表的自由主義法理精神,並不滿足於將世界秩序永久封閉於主權國家之間的權力平衡,而是始終強調:國家之上,仍有人類;權力之上,仍有法理;主權之上,仍有人的生命、自由與尊嚴。 今天回看,這一精神恰恰照透了聯合國制度的深層困境:當主權特權壓倒人類共通責任,國際組織便容易從公共治理平台退化為國家利益與地緣政治的博弈場。 二、改革盲區:超越以“主權國家”為唯一單元的治理結構 過去幾十年來,關於聯合國改革的討論,大多局限於在現有框架內重新分配權力,例如增加常任理事國席位、調整地區代表比例或優化投票機制。 然而,只要全球治理仍然建立在“主權國家是唯一合法治理主體”的基礎之上,便難以真正擺脫威斯特伐利亞體系帶來的排他性、疆域割裂性與零和博弈結構。 主權國家首先對本國秩序、安全與制度穩定負責,因此天然傾向於優先維護自身利益與國家安全。在這一結構下,任何國際組織一旦被某些主權國家壟斷或滲透,其改革最終都可能重新退化為大國聯盟、地緣競爭與制度對抗的延伸工具。 因此,全球共生的核心,並不在於由哪一個國家、哪一種文明或哪一個地緣集團主導世界,而在於能否逐步突破“主權國家壟斷全球治理”的單一結構,使全球治理開始承認並容納跨越國家邊界的新型交互主體。 三、根本依據:《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》的提出 為回應全球治理結構性失靈與全球公地危機,交互主體共生基金會正式提出核心母法文本——《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》(Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline [Revised Edition])。 本公約不再以傳統的“一國一票”或“大國否決”作為唯一治理邏輯,而首次嘗試引入“交互主體(Inter-subjective)”的多元立憲原則。 在該框架下,全球治理的合法主體不僅包括主權國家,還包括跨國科學共生體、全球公民網絡、跨區域生態組織、數字公共基礎設施共生體,以及其他對人類共通命運具有現實影響力的非國家交互主體。 這意味着,國際法與全球治理結構將開始從“主權國際法”逐步邁向“交互主體國際法”。 依據本公約的根本授權,現有聯合國部分結構將進行賦能與升級:原有“託管理事會”(賦能)與“人權理事會”(升格)整合,更名重組為“全球共生理事會”(Global Symbiosis Council)。 新組建的“全球共生理事會”,將在組織單元、思維方式、議事規則、行為方式上,對UN進行根本性改革,其職能主要處理那些已經超越傳統國家(含主權國家)邊界、單一國家無法獨立解決,也不應由單一國家單獨決定的“全球性問題”。 四、《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》的四大核心治理領域 根據《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》的設計,全球共生理事會將圍繞“人類共通生存底線”與“全球公地安全”展開治理,其核心職能主要聚焦於以下四大領域: (一)人類基本自由與共生底線 本公約嘗試將部分最基礎的人類權利,從單純依附於主權國家內部政治結構的狀態中,提升為跨越邊界、不可被任意剝奪的人類共通文明底線。其中包括: 生命自由:免於戰爭、種族滅絕、大規模暴力與非人道對待的基本生存權與尊嚴感。 財產自由:保護個人、社區與合法交互主體的基本財產權與經濟合作權。 健康自由:享有基礎公共衛生、安全生態環境與基本醫療保障的權利。 思想自由:保障多元文明、文化與思想表達的理性空間。 數位自由(Digital Freedom):在全面數字化時代,保障個人數據主權、信息自主權與數字人格邊界,防止算法壟斷、數據極權與數字監控對人類主體性的侵蝕。 (二)世界和平與網絡化命運共生 超主權、超地緣、超文明三超趨勢下的數字化、智能化、全球化(3.0)的發展,正在不斷打破傳統威斯特伐利亞體系的空間割裂。 人類社會越來越呈現出“你中有我、我中有他、他中有你”的網絡化交互結構。供應鏈、金融流、數據流、能源流與文化流,已經形成高度嵌合的人類命運網絡。 本公約嘗試推動一種新的和平觀:和平不再主要依賴大國均勢、軍事威懾或核恐怖平衡,而是通過全球供應鏈協同、數字公共網絡、文明交流機制與共生基金體系,逐步形成“相互依賴即相互克制”的網絡化和平結構——創建生命形態(LIFE)-智能形態(AI)-組織信託(TRUST)交互耦合生活基礎設施(Amorsophia MindsField/Network,愛之智慧孞態場/網,簡稱AM)。 在這一結構中,戰爭行為將不僅傷害他者,也將嚴重反噬發動者自身的經濟、科技、數字與生態體系,從而降低戰爭作為國家行為的整體收益。 (三)全球公地與跨境風險治理 針對越來越嚴重的全球公地危機,本公約授權全球共生理事會作為全人類共通利益的“信託協調平台”,重點協調以下五類跨境風險領域: 生態圈與氣候系統:包括全球氣候、大氣層、海洋環流與關鍵生態碳匯系統。相關治理應基於全球科學評估與生態承載邊界展開。 跨境污染治理:針對跨境空氣污染、海洋污染、水系污染與危險廢物流動,建立跨國協調與追責機制。 全球基因庫保護:保護地球生物多樣性與關鍵基因資源,防止其被壟斷性控制、惡意破壞或不可逆毀滅。 生物安全防線:建立跨國生物安全預警、信息共享與快速響應機制,以應對超級病毒、基因技術濫用與潛在生物災難。 數字公海(Digital Commons):將互聯網基礎協議、公共算法標準、關鍵軌道資源與部分AI基礎設施,逐步視為具有全球公共屬性的數字公地,防止其完全被國家競爭或科技壟斷所割裂。 (四)毀滅性武器與戰略資源風險控制 對於可能導致人類整體性災難的武器與資源武化問題,本公約主張逐步建立超越單一國家利益的國際協調與限制機制。其中包括: 核能武化、生化武化與大規模毀滅性工具武化:推動全球削減、透明監管與長期降解機制,降低人類整體毀滅風險。 AI武化:限制自主致命武器系統的發展與部署。所有涉及自主致命決策的人工智能系統,必須保留可追溯的人類責任鏈與人工最終干預權。 關鍵礦產與戰略新材料武化(Resource Weaponization):對於稀土、鋰、鈷及關鍵超導、超材料等關係全球綠色轉型與數字文明的重要資源,推動建立跨國協調、透明供應與非武器化原則,避免其完全淪為地緣政治衝突工具。 五、運行保障機制:全球公共治理與“世界警察”問題的重構 《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》最關鍵的制度探索之一,在於嘗試重新處理長期困擾國際社會的“全球執法權責”問題。 長期以來,國際社會始終無法在“全球治理需要執行力”與“防止霸權濫權”之間取得穩定平衡。 因此,本公約並不主張建立傳統意義上的“世界政府”,而是嘗試建立一種受到嚴格授權、邊界限定、多方監督與可申訴機制約束的全球公共治理有嘗執行體系。 全球公共治理有嘗執行體系所指——對有實力有意願維護“全球四大核心治理領域”扮演“世界警察”的國家實體(如美國),實行AM獎/抑/通機制,既不讓他“吃力不討好”,又不使其“驕橫跋扈”。 首先,為避免“全球執法者”淪為某一國家的地緣工具,其人員、財政與治理授權,應逐步脫離對單一主權國家的依附。 相關公共治理資源,可部分來自數字公地流轉稅、全球公共資源協調基金與跨境風險治理機制,以減少全球公共治理成本長期由個別國家單方面承擔的失衡結構。 其次,為防止新的全球權力中心演變為新的 Leviathan(利維坦),全球共生理事會本身也必須接受嚴格限制,包括: 公開證據原則; 多邊授權原則; 獨立審查機制; 可追溯責任機制; 全球申訴與糾偏機制; 以及對數字治理系統的人類最終監督權。 在數字公海、生物安全與戰略資源等特定領域,理事會可依據公開證據、獨立審查、分級授權與緊急程序,啟動非歧視性的共生防衛機制。 其目標並非建立“霸權式世界警察”,而是逐步形成一種對全人類共生底線負責的全球公共治理能力。 六、結語 從1648年威斯特伐利亞體系終結歐洲宗教戰爭,到1945年聯合國體系試圖建立現代集體安全機制,人類始終在“主權秩序”與“共通責任”之間艱難尋找平衡。 今天,隨着全球化、生態危機、數字文明與人工智能時代的到來,人類社會已經越來越難以依靠傳統主權結構獨自處理跨越邊界的系統性風險。 《全球共生大綱公約(修訂版)》並非意味着對主權國家體系的簡單否定,也並非試圖建立某種脫離現實的全球烏托邦,而是試圖為21世紀的人類文明,探索一種能夠兼融主權、人權、生態、自由、安全與全球公地責任的交互共生的新型治理框架。 它所嘗試開啟的,不只是聯合國改革,更是一種從“主權國際法”逐步邁向“交互主體國際法”的文明轉向。 在這一過程中,人類或許能夠逐漸學會:既保有文明差異與國家邊界,又堅定守護那些早已超越邊界的人類共通命運——走向愛之智慧的交互主體共生新時代(Toward an Age of Amorsophic Intersubjective Symbiosism)。 而這,也許正是從主權危機走向交互主體共生的真正開始。
聯繫方式:Email:hongguanworld@gmail.com 參考文獻: 1、Archer Hong Qian:《全球共生公約大綱(修訂版)/ Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition)》 萬維讀者網 https://blog.creaders.net/user_blog_diary.php?did=NTQ5Nzg1;共生網 http://symbiosism.com.cn/12089.html; 2、Archer Hong Qian:《AM2026:從地球新文明到星際文明——走向愛之智慧的交互主體共生新時代 / AM 2026: From a New Earth Civilization to an Interstellar Civilization —Toward an Age of Amorsophic Intersubjective Symbiosism》 萬維讀者網ttps://blog.creaders.net/user_blog_diary.php?did=NTM1NzY5;共生網 http://symbiosism.com.cn/11408.html 3、Archer Hong Qian:《全球治理與聯合國改革 / Global Governance and United Nations Reform》(參看《SYMBIOSISM·共生:The Mind Power to Agree on An Innovative Lifestyle》)P128,Onebook Press,2021;錢宏主編:《全球共生:化解衝突重建世界秩序的中國學派/Global Symbiosism:Chinese School of Defusing Clashes and Rebuilding the World Order》,晨星出版社,2018)
A Global Governance Blueprint for Reconstructing World Order:From the Crisis of Sovereignty to Intersubjective Symbiosism(Draft for Public Consultation and Endorsement) Intersubjective Symbiosis Foundation (Canada)
I. Historical Roots: The Structural Limits of the Westphalian System and the Dilemma of the Rooseveltian IdealTo understand the deepening dysfunction and paralysis of global governance today, one must first reexamine the historical limitations of the underlying operational structure of the modern international order — the Westphalian System (1648). Since the Peace of Westphalia established this framework in 1648, it successfully brought an end to Europe’s prolonged religious wars and gradually gave rise to modern international law, territorial boundaries, and the sovereign-state order. In the evolution of modern civilization, its historical significance cannot be overlooked. Yet the governance logic built upon the exclusivity of sovereignty has become increasingly incapable of addressing transboundary human affairs in an age marked by globalization, intelligent systems, and ecological crisis. In essence, the Westphalian System institutionalized three foundational principles: sovereign states as the primary legitimate units of international affairs; territorial boundaries as exclusive spaces of governance; and an international condition of anarchy above which no higher public authority exists.
Within this structure, “national interest” naturally takes precedence over “the broader interests of humanity,” while international order relies upon fragile balances maintained through great-power equilibrium and deterrence. As contemporary global challenges intensify, this system has gradually revealed profound paradoxes, rendering Roosevelt’s postwar idealistic attempt to establish a collective security order through the United Nations difficult to fully realize. The Security Council’s veto mechanism under the “great-power unanimity principle” is itself a product of compromise between Westphalian sovereignty and power politics. Embedded within it are two enduring structural contradictions that remain fundamentally unresolved. The first contradiction lies between the “club of sovereign states” and “global security governance.” The international community simultaneously seeks to preserve the independence and autonomy of sovereign states while also creating a global security mechanism with real enforcement capacity. Yet it has never resolved the fundamental questions: Who enforces global order? Who authorizes enforcement? Who restrains the enforcers themselves? The second contradiction lies between the “great-power unanimity principle” and “humanity’s common responsibility.” In practice, the veto mechanism confirms that power politics remains a foundational logic of international order, while the principle of “non-interference in internal affairs” often leaves the international community immobilized in the face of wars, humanitarian disasters, biological threats, and cross-border crises. At the 1945 San Francisco Conference, Hu Shih participated as a member of the Chinese delegation in the founding process of the United Nations. The liberal jurisprudential spirit he represented was never satisfied with permanently confining world order within a balance of sovereign powers. Rather, it consistently affirmed: Above states, there remains humanity. Above power, there remains law. Above sovereignty, there remains human life, freedom, and dignity. Seen from today’s perspective, this spirit illuminates the deepest dilemma of the United Nations system itself: when sovereign privilege overwhelms humanity’s common responsibility, international organizations risk degenerating from platforms of public governance into arenas of geopolitical bargaining and national competition.
II. The Blind Spot of Reform: Beyond the Governance Structure of the Sovereign State as the Sole UnitOver the past several decades, discussions regarding United Nations reform have largely remained confined within the existing framework — expanding permanent Security Council membership, adjusting regional representation, or optimizing voting mechanisms. Yet as long as global governance continues to rest upon the assumption that sovereign states are the only legitimate governance subjects, it will remain difficult to escape the exclusivity, territorial fragmentation, and zero-sum dynamics inherited from the Westphalian structure. Sovereign states are naturally obligated first to preserve their own internal order, security, and institutional stability. Consequently, they are structurally inclined to prioritize national interests and state security above broader human concerns. Under such conditions, any international organization monopolized or infiltrated by particular sovereign powers risks degenerating once again into an extension of geopolitical rivalry, great-power alliances, and institutional confrontation. Therefore, the essence of global symbiosism does not lie in determining which country, civilization, or geopolitical bloc should dominate the world. Rather, it lies in whether humanity can gradually transcend the monopolization of global governance by sovereign states and begin recognizing new forms of intersubjective actors that transcend national borders.
III. Foundational Basis: The Proposal of the Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition)In response to the structural failures of global governance and the growing crisis of global commons, the Intersubjective Symbiosis Foundation formally proposes a foundational constitutional framework: The Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition)This covenant no longer treats “one state, one vote” or “great-power veto” as the sole logic of governance. Instead, it introduces for the first time a plural constitutional principle centered on the concept of the Inter-subjective. Within this framework, legitimate actors of global governance would include not only sovereign states, but also: transnational scientific symbiotic communities, global civic networks, cross-regional ecological organizations, digital public infrastructure symbiotic entities, and other non-state intersubjective actors possessing real influence over humanity’s interconnected destiny.
This signifies a gradual transition from “sovereign international law” toward “intersubjective international law.” Under the covenant’s foundational authorization, parts of the current United Nations structure would be empowered and upgraded. The existing Trusteeship Council and Human Rights Council would be integrated and reorganized into a new institution: Global Symbiosis CouncilThe newly established Global Symbiosis Council would undertake fundamental reforms of the UN in terms of organizational units, modes of thought, deliberative procedures, and governance methods. Its primary mandate would focus on addressing global issues that: transcend traditional national boundaries, cannot be solved independently by individual states, and should not be decided unilaterally by any single nation.
IV. The Four Core Governance Domains of the Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition)Under the covenant’s framework, the Global Symbiosis Council would focus on safeguarding humanity’s common survival baseline and the security of global commons across four principal domains. (1) Fundamental Human Freedoms and Symbiotic BaselinesThe covenant seeks to elevate certain fundamental human rights beyond their traditional dependence upon internal sovereign political structures, transforming them into universal civilizational baselines that transcend borders. These include: Freedom of LifeProtection from war, genocide, mass violence, and inhumane treatment. Freedom of PropertySafeguarding the legitimate property and economic cooperation rights of individuals, communities, and lawful intersubjective entities. Freedom of HealthGuaranteeing access to basic public health, ecological safety, and essential medical protection. Freedom of ThoughtPreserving rational space for diverse civilizations, cultures, and intellectual expression. Digital FreedomProtecting data sovereignty, informational autonomy, and digital personality boundaries in the fully digital age, while preventing algorithmic monopolies, data authoritarianism, and digital surveillance from eroding human subjectivity.
(2) World Peace and Networked Symbiosis of Interconnected DestinyThe accelerating trends of digitalization, intelligent systems, and Globalization 3.0 — characterized by the transcendence of sovereignty, civilization, and privilege — are continuously dissolving the spatial fragmentation inherent in the traditional Westphalian order. Human society increasingly exhibits a deeply networked intersubjective structure in which “you are within me, I am within him, and he is within you.” Supply chains, financial flows, data streams, energy systems, and cultural exchanges have already formed an intricately interwoven network of humanity’s interconnected destiny. The covenant therefore advances a new understanding of peace. Peace should no longer rely primarily upon great-power equilibrium, military deterrence, or nuclear terror balance. Instead, it should gradually emerge through: coordinated global supply chains, digital public networks, civilizational exchange mechanisms, and symbiotic funding systems,
ultimately forming a networked structure of peace in which “mutual dependence becomes mutual restraint.” This would involve the creation of LIFE–AI–TRUST interactive infrastructures: Amorsophia MindsField/Network (AM)(愛之智慧孞態場/網) Within such a structure, warfare would no longer merely damage others; it would also severely rebound upon the aggressor’s own economic, technological, digital, and ecological systems, thereby reducing the overall strategic profitability of war itself.
(3) Governance of Global Commons and Cross-Border RisksTo address the escalating crisis of global commons, the covenant authorizes the Global Symbiosis Council to function as a trust-based coordination platform for humanity’s common interests, focusing on five major categories of transnational risk. Ecological and Climate SystemsIncluding global climate, atmospheric systems, ocean circulation, and critical ecological carbon sinks. Governance should be grounded in scientific assessment and ecological carrying capacity. Cross-Border Pollution GovernanceEstablishing transnational coordination and accountability mechanisms regarding air pollution, marine pollution, water contamination, and hazardous waste flows. Global Gene Bank ProtectionSafeguarding biodiversity and critical genetic resources against monopolization, malicious destruction, or irreversible extinction. Biosafety DefenseCreating international early-warning, information-sharing, and rapid-response systems to confront superviruses, genetic misuse, and potential biological catastrophes. Digital CommonsTreating internet foundational protocols, public algorithmic standards, orbital resources, and portions of AI infrastructure as global public digital commons, preventing their fragmentation through state competition or technological monopolization.
(4) Risk Control over Weapons of Mass Destruction and Strategic ResourcesRegarding weapons and resource weaponization capable of generating civilizational catastrophe, the covenant advocates the gradual establishment of supranational coordination and restraint mechanisms. Weaponization of Nuclear, Biological, and Mass Destructive TechnologiesPromoting global reduction, transparent oversight, and long-term de-escalation mechanisms to lower humanity’s collective extinction risk. AI WeaponizationRestricting the development and deployment of autonomous lethal weapon systems. Any AI system involving autonomous lethal decision-making must retain: Resource WeaponizationRegarding rare earths, lithium, cobalt, superconductive materials, supermaterials, and other strategic resources vital to the global green transition and digital civilization, the covenant promotes: transnational coordination, transparent supply systems, and non-weaponization principles,
so that such resources do not become mere instruments of geopolitical conflict.
V. Operational Guarantee Mechanisms: Reconstructing Global Public Governance and the “World Police” ProblemOne of the covenant’s most important institutional explorations lies in its attempt to rethink the long-standing dilemma of global enforcement authority and responsibility. Historically, the international community has struggled to balance two competing necessities: Accordingly, the covenant does not advocate the creation of a traditional “world government.” Instead, it proposes a globally authorized public governance enforcement framework constrained by: strict authorization, limited jurisdiction, multilateral oversight, and appeal mechanisms.
This framework would apply AM reward/restraint/connective mechanisms to capable and willing state actors that undertake responsibilities resembling a “world police” role in safeguarding the four core domains of global governance. Such mechanisms would ensure that these actors are neither: To prevent global enforcers from degenerating into geopolitical instruments of individual states, personnel, financing, and governance authorization should gradually detach from dependence upon any single sovereign power. Relevant public governance resources could instead derive partially from: digital commons circulation taxes, global public resource coordination funds, and cross-border risk governance mechanisms,
thereby reducing the long-standing imbalance in which a handful of countries disproportionately bear global governance costs. At the same time, to prevent the Global Symbiosis Council itself from evolving into a new Leviathan, it must remain subject to strict institutional limitations, including: principles of public evidence, multilateral authorization, independent review, traceable accountability, global appeal and correction mechanisms, and final human supervisory authority over digital governance systems.
In specific domains such as digital commons, biosafety, and strategic resources, the Council may activate non-discriminatory symbiotic defense mechanisms based upon: Its objective is not to establish a hegemonic world police system, but rather to gradually cultivate a global public governance capacity accountable to humanity’s common symbiotic baseline.
VI. Conclusion: Toward an Age of Amorsophic Intersubjective SymbiosismFrom the Westphalian System of 1648, which ended Europe’s religious wars, to the United Nations framework established in 1945 in pursuit of collective security, humanity has continuously struggled to balance sovereign order and common responsibility. Today, under conditions of globalization, ecological crisis, digital civilization, and artificial intelligence, human society can no longer rely solely upon traditional sovereign structures to independently manage systemic risks that transcend borders. The Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition) does not seek the simplistic negation of the sovereign-state system, nor does it attempt to construct an unrealistic global utopia. Rather, it seeks to explore for the twenty-first century a new intersubjective governance framework capable of reconciling: What it attempts to initiate is not merely reform of the United Nations, but a civilizational transition — from “sovereign international law” toward “intersubjective international law.” In this process, humanity may gradually learn how to preserve civilizational diversity and national boundaries while steadfastly safeguarding the interconnected destiny of humanity that has already transcended those very boundaries: Toward an Age of Amorsophic Intersubjective Symbiosism.And perhaps this marks the true beginning of humanity’s journey from the crisis of sovereignty toward intersubjective symbiosism.
ContactEmail: hongguanworld@gmail.com
ReferencesArcher Hong Qian, Global Symbiosism Covenant Outline (Revised Edition) Archer Hong Qian, AM 2026: From a New Earth Civilization to an Interstellar Civilization — Toward an Age of Amorsophic Intersubjective Symbiosism Archer Hong Qian, “Global Governance and United Nations Reform,” in SYMBIOSISM: The Mind Power to Agree on An Innovative Lifestyle, p.128, Onebook Press, 2021. Archer Hong Qian (Editor-in-Chief), Global Symbiosism: Chinese School of Defusing Clashes and Rebuilding the World Order, Morning Star Publishing House, 2018.
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