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David Goldman 致特朗普的信 實現和平,重建美國的工業基礎 2019-10-14 04:34:53

David Goldman 致特朗普的信 實現和平,重建美國的工業基礎

致特朗普的信:實現和平,重建美國的工業基礎

如果唐納德·特朗普贏得總統大選,我的建議是

大衛·P·戈德曼 2024 年 10 月 28 日
https://asiatimes.com/2024/10/letter-to-trump-make-peace-and-rebuild-americas-industrial-base/

在唐納德·特朗普的“美國優先”政府領導下,美國經濟將不再那麼開放。圖片:X 截圖

本文最初發表在克萊爾蒙特研究所智庫的出版物《美國心智》上,並經許可轉載。

尊敬的特朗普總統:

祝賀您在 11 月的選舉中獲勝。喬·拜登總統和卡馬拉·哈里斯副總統給您留下了一場戰略災難和脆弱的經濟,但您提出了一項維持和平和恢復經濟增長的計劃。以下是一些可能有助於您努力的想法,後面是更具體的建議:

考慮到消費者更高的利息成本,通貨膨脹率接近 8%,而不是官方的“3%”。拜登通過創紀錄的預算赤字引發了通貨膨脹,美聯儲通過增加消費者的利息負擔使情況變得更糟。您必須讓美國公眾了解這一現實,並讓合適的人來解決這個問題。
據稅務基金會稱,聯邦預算赤字占 GDP 的 6.4%, “比 1930 年以來任何有記錄的赤字都要大,除了二戰、2008 年金融危機和疫情期間”。聯邦利息成本翻了一番,現在與國防一樣貴。讓了解您的經濟議程的人進入美聯儲董事會。
我們的覺醒教育體系是一場災難,背叛了工薪階層的孩子。我們無法填補製造業的技術崗位,因為高中畢業生缺乏基本的數學技能。在短期內,州立社區大學系統和勤工儉學學徒計劃可以提供幫助。創建一個聯邦和州政府倡議,在製造技能方面建立公私合作夥伴關係,並請州長羅恩·德桑蒂斯 (Ron DeSantis) 領導該計劃。
當選副總統 J D Vance 於 9 月提出了一項可行的和平計劃,以結束俄烏戰爭。讓他在處理烏克蘭問題方面發揮重要作用。你第一屆政府中外交政策機構的殘餘人員除了給你設置障礙外什麼也沒做。不要聽他們的,而要讓一個聰明的局外人來掌權。
美國軍工聯合體是一個腐敗和無能的無望泥潭,無法製造足夠的炮彈來供應烏克蘭,更不用說足夠的潛艇了。繞過五角大樓高層和國防承包商,選擇一位了解新國防技術的國防部長。
你提出的對中國電動汽車進口徵收高額關稅但允許中國公司在美國建廠的提議非常出色——非常像羅納德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 在 1980 年代對日本汽車進口的回應。
美國優先的經濟政策
拜登和哈里斯給你們留下了創紀錄的債務和赤字,以及危險的家庭債務負擔。正如戴維·馬爾帕斯所觀察到的,他們不計後果地向自己青睞的選民發放救濟金,導致了這種通貨膨脹,而不是貨幣政策。

美聯儲將利率維持在過低水平的時間過長,然後又將其提高過多。前財政部長勞倫斯·薩默斯表示,包括更高的利率後,實際通脹率是官方數字的兩倍。請他幫助勞工統計局公布實際通脹率。

你需要一個穩定的貨幣政策,而不是美聯儲的繁榮與蕭條的拉鋸戰。讓了解貨幣政策實際運作方式的人進入美聯儲委員會,而不是讓今天管理美聯儲的空想家們進入委員會。

工業復興的最大障礙是缺乏熟練勞動力,這要歸功於控制美國教育的自由主義者。召集我們最大的製造公司的首席執行官,他們會告訴你同樣的事情:不到四分之一的美國高中生精通數學。這使得計算機控制製造業的高端工作遙不可及。

我們可以通過與企業合作,讓州立社區大學系統解決這個問題。佛羅里達州已經開始行動了。請州長羅恩·德桑蒂斯領導一項培訓技術工人的緊急行動。

在美國歷史上,美國進口的資本貨物首次超過我們為國內消費生產的資本貨物。關稅的缺點是,它們將增加依賴外國投入的製造商的成本,而國內替代品的提供需要時間和金錢。你可能會提議對購買中國資本貨物以擴大美國生產的美國製造商進行關稅退稅。

稅收制度不利於資本密集型投資,提高了製造業的稅後資本成本。根據美聯儲的數據,美國的製造設備庫存 20 年來沒有增加。

為了恢復長期增長趨勢,我們需要大約 1 萬億美元的資本支出。國會的共和黨領導人應該提出緊急立法

允許立即對資本設備進行稅收減免。

2017 年的企業減稅措施增加了資本設備費用化所需的年限,應進行修改,以允許立即對資本設備進行費用化。這可能比關稅更能刺激國內製造業。

對抗國家安全機構
當你譴責無休止的戰爭時,你激怒了外交政策沼澤,他們花了四年時間試圖將你趕下台。沼澤把所有的賭注都押在了烏克蘭無休止的戰爭上,而你拒絕配合,使你成為他們不可調和的敵人。

不要低估他們阻止你的決心。你在第一屆政府中僱傭了建制派,每次都有理由後悔。現在,沼澤已經沒有妥協的餘地了。

深層政府誘捕了你的第一任國家安全顧問邁克·弗林將軍,他的繼任者 H·R·麥克馬斯特和約翰·博爾頓通過背叛你來回報你的信任。你不能相信失敗的、無能的外交政策機構。

它除了永遠的戰爭和干涉別國內政之外什麼都不知道。問題是,該機構已經控制了三代政府服務和學術界的晉升,所以任何簡歷豐富的候選人都搞錯了方向。

萬斯可能沒有很多外交政策經驗,但常識比多年推行無能的政策更有價值。請維克多·戴維斯·漢森負責過渡團隊的外交政策和國家安全招聘。

繼續尋求匈牙利總理維克多·奧爾班的建議,他是你在海外最強大的支持者,也是歐洲最聰明的政治家。萬斯結束烏克蘭戰爭的計劃——建立停火、緩衝區和烏克蘭中立——將發揮作用。

大衛·弗里德曼在你的第一任期內擔任駐以色列大使時,出色地制定了亞伯拉罕協議。說服他回來工作。拜登政府將沙特阿拉伯視為賤民,並與哈馬斯的東道主和金主卡塔爾交好。

這令人憤慨,尤其是在 2023 年 10 月 7 日的大屠殺之後。向沙特和阿聯酋伸出援手。否則,面對中國的外交舉措,美國在該地區的影響力可能會消失。

你正確地提出了一個導彈防禦系統來保護美國。恢復里根的戰略防禦計劃是多年來人們提出的最佳防禦政策。

你會從軍人那裡得到錯誤的建議。他們浪費了數萬億美元來建設錯誤的軍隊,並試圖通過要求更多這樣的軍隊來為他們之前的錯誤辯解。我們不需要將近 25 萬軍隊部署在海外。

海軍的遠征軍已經過時了。水面艦艇是反艦導彈的活靶子——而中國有數千艘這樣的艦艇。與此同時,我們枯竭的工業基礎每年只能建造一艘潛艇。

五角大樓高層會給你提供虛假的場景,以證明更多過時的遺留系統是合理的。聘請像空軍軍官和斯坦福大學教授奧里安娜·斯凱拉·馬斯特羅這樣能看穿花言巧語的專家。

你不能相信美國情報界。2020 年,51 名高級情報官員簽署了一份聲明,聲稱亨特·拜登筆記本電腦事件是俄羅斯的騙局。這可能會讓你輸掉大選。他們任命的人如今占據了所有的高級職位。
美國情報預算的 70% 流向了私人承包商,這讓該系統容易滋生裙帶關係和腐敗。清理這個爛攤子需要數年時間。與此同時,在國家安全委員會組建一個“B 隊”,這是一小群你可以信任的人,他們會隨時向你通報世界事務,並仔細檢查中央情報局的每日簡報。

不要相信白宮的“流程人員”。不久前,你們的副參謀長克里斯·利德爾在一次共和黨午餐會上說,通過挑選出席橢圓形辦公室會議的人並分配他們的角色,他可以在 90% 的時間裡預先決定你的決定。引進為你工作而不是為沼澤工作的外來人。

我們現在的情況就像 1973 年,當時蘇聯防空系統統治着天空。在不到十年的時間裡,我們發明了智能戰爭,扭轉了對俄羅斯的局面,並開始贏得冷戰。我們發明了數字時代,這是我們國防技術革命的副產品。

不要讓一位將軍或國防承包商說客掌管五角大樓。任命一位對新軍事技術有深入了解的國防部長,比如邁克爾·格里芬,他是你們負責研究和工程的國防部副部長,也是前美國國家航空航天局局長。

在財政限制下,我們無法全面擴大國防開支。專注於美國本土和美國軍事資產的導彈防禦。削減永久戰爭的遺留開支,例如部署在海外的 23 萬美軍,以及航空母艦等遺留系統。
你的前兩任國防部長分別來自海軍陸戰隊和國防工業——而且

他們試圖阻止你在 2024 年獲勝。你最好找一位了解高科技的科學家來保衛美國本土。國防和關鍵基礎設施的芯片應該在安全的條件下在國內生產。

拜登的《芯片法案》是一場災難。就在英特爾裁員 10% 之前,它給了英特爾 85 億美元。最糟糕的是,它忽略了基於新技術的芯片的研發。我們和中國的芯片行業玩了五年的打地鼠遊戲。半導體主導地位之戰將由使用分子或原子級相互作用的芯片贏得,其速度比硅快幾個數量級。

最後,沼澤把北約的未來押在了烏克蘭的冒險上。這場災難將削弱,甚至摧毀,北約現在的形式。

如何與中國打交道
我們在永遠的戰爭上花了 7 萬億美元。中國在“一帶一路”計劃上花了 1 萬億美元。我們失去了影響力和權力,而中國則獲得了兩者。中國對美國、歐洲和日本的出口停滯不前,但自您卸任以來,其對全球南方國家的出口卻翻了一番。中國現在對全球南方國家的出口超過了對所有發達市場的總和。

中國對全球南方國家的很多出口都是對美國的間接出口:中國製造、規劃和運送零部件到越南、印度和墨西哥,然後這些國家再出口到美國。這意味着中國在亞洲、歐洲、中東和拉丁美洲的影響力將大幅提升,美國對中國供應鏈的依賴也將加大。

中國正在追趕我們。在最好的情況下,對美國技術出口到中國的制裁將贏得時間。在最壞的情況下,這些制裁將適得其反:我們並沒有讓中國依賴我們的產品,而是把傳統芯片和芯片製造設備的國內市場拱手讓給了中國公司。

我們在冷戰中通過發明數字時代擊敗了俄羅斯,利用美國國家航空航天局和國防預算推動新技術的突破。我們可以比中國做得更好。但里根執政時期,聯邦政府對研發的支持占 GDP 的比例是現在的兩倍。

這就是為什麼將國防預算轉向支持新技術至關重要。僅舉一個例子:我們無法在導彈生產上超過中國。對中國龐大的反艦導彈力量的最佳回應是定向能武器(例如激光)。但五角大樓用於這些新武器的研發預算每年不到 8 億美元,或十架戰鬥機的成本。

我們希望維持台灣的現狀。只要台灣不走向獨立,中國就不會冒險使用武力。憑藉數千枚反艦導彈和數百架第五代飛機,中國在南海的火力已經超過我們。為了保持力量平衡,我們需要新的反導技術——而不是更多的水面艦艇。

香港

立即採取行動,將對中國進口電動汽車徵收高額關稅與邀請中國公司在美國建廠結合起來。正如埃隆·馬斯克所熟知的那樣,中國在工業自動化方面處於領先地位,包括人工智能應用和 5G 通信。

小米剛剛開設了一家全自動化工廠,每天可以生產 1,000 輛汽車。沒有一家美國公司能像比亞迪的海鷗那樣,生產標價低於 10,000 美元的電動汽車。這就像 1980 年代,當時日本汽車製造商的技術比底特律更好。迫使日本人在這裡建廠幫助美國汽車業趕上速度。
就像我們在冷戰期間所做的那樣,我們需要利用美國獨特的創新能力來更新我們的工業基礎。總統先生,如果您能引導我們做到這一點,您的第二屆政府將被銘記為美國歷史的轉折點。

David P Goldman 是《亞洲時報》副主編、克萊蒙特研究所華盛頓研究員和《法律與自由》的高級作家。

Letter to Trump: make peace and rebuild America's industrial base


My advice to Donald Trump should he win the presidential election

By DAVID P GOLDMAN  OCTOBER 28, 2024

https://asiatimes.com/2024/10/letter-to-trump-make-peace-and-rebuild-americas-industrial-base/


The US will be a less open economy under Donald Trump's 'America First' administration. Image: X Screengrab


This article first appeared on The American Mind, a publication of the Claremount Institute think tank, and is republished with permission.




Dear President Trump:

Congratulations on your November election victory. President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris have left you with a strategic disaster and a fragile economy, but you have put forward a program to keep the peace and restore economic growth. Here are some ideas that may help in your efforts, followed by more specific proposals:

  • Inflation is closer to 8% than the official “3%” after figuring in higher interest costs to consumers. Biden started this inflation by running record budget deficits and the Federal Reserve made it worse by increasing the interest burden on consumers. You must educate the American public on this reality and get the right people in place to fix it.

  • The federal budget deficit is 6.4% of GDP, “larger than any deficit in records going back to 1930 except the years around World War II, the 2008 financial crisis, and the pandemic,” according to the Tax Foundation. Federal interest costs have doubled and now cost as much as defense. Get people on the Fed board who understand your economic agenda.

  • Our woke education system is a disaster and has betrayed working-class kids. We can’t fill skilled jobs in manufacturing because high school graduates lack basic math skills. In the short term, state community college systems and work-study apprenticeship programs can help. Create a federal-state initiative for public-private partnerships in manufacturing skills, and ask Governor Ron DeSantis to head it.

  • Vice President-elect J D Vance offered a workable peace plan in September to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. Give him a big role in handling the Ukraine problem. Leftovers from the foreign policy establishment in your first administration did nothing but sandbag you. Don’t listen to them and put a smart outsider in charge instead.

  • The US military-industrial complex is a hopeless morass of corruption and incompetence that can’t make enough artillery shells to supply Ukraine, let alone enough submarines. Bypass the Pentagon brass and the defense contractors and choose a secretary of defense who understands new defense technologies.

  • Your proposal to put high tariffs on Chinese EV imports but allow Chinese companies to build plants in the US is brilliant—and very much like Ronald Reagan’s response to Japanese auto imports in the 1980s.

An America First Economic Policy

Biden and Harris left you with record debts and deficits, and a dangerous household debt burden. Their reckless spending on handouts to their favored constituencies caused this inflation, not monetary policy, as David Malpass observed.

The Federal Reserve kept interest rates too low for too long and then raised them too much. Former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers showed that the real inflation rate is double the official number after including higher interest rates. Ask him to help the Bureau of Labor Statistics publish the real inflation rate.

You need a stable monetary policy instead of the Fed’s boom-and-bust whipsaw. Put people on the Federal Reserve Board who understand how monetary policy actually works instead of the ideologues who run the Fed today.

The biggest obstacle to industrial revival is the lack of skilled labor, thanks to the liberals who control US education. Summon the CEOs of our biggest manufacturing companies, and they’ll tell you the same thing: less than a quarter of US high school students are proficient in math. That puts high-end jobs in computer-controlled manufacturing out of their reach.

We can fix the problem by enlisting state community college systems in partnership with corporations. Florida already has the ball rolling. Ask Governor Ron DeSantis to head an emergency effort to train skilled workers.

For the first time in American history, America imports more capital goods than we produce for domestic consumption. The downside of tariffs is that they will increase costs for manufacturers who rely on foreign inputs, and domestic substitutes will take time and money to provide. You might propose a tariff rebate for American manufacturers who buy Chinese capital goods to expand production in the US.

The tax system is rigged against capital-intensive investment, raising the after-tax cost of capital for manufacturing. America’s stock of manufacturing equipment hasn’t risen in 20 years according to the Federal Reserve.

To return to a long-term growth trend, we need about $1 trillion in capital spending. GOP leaders in Congress should propose emergency legislation to allow immediate tax write-offs of capital equipment.

The 2017 corporate tax cut, which increased the number of years required to expense capital equipment, should be revised to allow immediate expensing of capital equipment. That may be a bigger stimulus for domestic manufacturing than tariffs.

Countering the National Security Establishment

You outraged the foreign policy swamp when you denounced endless wars, and they spent four years trying to remove you from office. The swamp bet the farm on endless war in Ukraine, and your refusal to play along makes you their irreconcilable enemy.

Don’t underestimate how determined they are to stop you. You hired establishment types in your first administration and had cause to regret it every time. Now, there’s no room for compromise with the swamp.

The Deep State entrapped your first National Security Adviser, General Mike Flynn, and his successors H R McMaster and John Bolton repaid your trust by turning on you. You can’t trust the failed, feckless foreign policy establishment.

It knows nothing but forever wars and meddling in other countries’ affairs. The problem is that the establishment has controlled promotion in government service and academia for three generations, so any candidate with a big resume got it the wrong way.

Vance may not have a lot of foreign policy experience, but common sense is a better qualification than years of pushing incompetent policies. Ask Victor Davis Hanson to run foreign policy and national security recruitment for the transition team.



And continue to seek the advice of Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, your strongest supporter overseas and the smartest politician in Europe. Vance’s plan to end the war in Ukraine—establishing a ceasefire, a buffer zone, and Ukrainian neutrality—will do the job.

David Friedman did a brilliant job crafting the Abraham Accords as Ambassador to Israel in your first term. Persuade him to return to the job. The Biden administration treats Saudi Arabia like a pariah and cozies up to Qatar, the host and paymaster to Hamas.

That’s an outrage, especially after the October 7, 2023 massacre. Reach out to the Saudis and the UAE. Otherwise, US influence in the region may dissolve in the face of China’s diplomatic initiatives.

You rightly proposed a missile shield to protect the United States. Reviving Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative is the best defense policy anyone has put forward in years.

You will get bad advice from the uniforms. They wasted trillions building the wrong kind of military and will try to justify their previous blunders by demanding more of the same. We don’t need nearly a quarter million troops deployed overseas.

The Navy’s expeditionary forces are obsolete. Surface ships are sitting ducks for anti-ship missiles—and China has thousands of them. Meanwhile, our depleted industrial base can barely build one submarine a year.

The Pentagon brass will feed you phony scenarios to justify more obsolete legacy systems. Hire experts who see through flummery like Air Force officer and Stanford Professor Oriana Skylar Mastro.

You can’t trust the US Intelligence Community. Fifty-one senior intelligence officials signed a statement in 2020 claiming that the Hunter Biden laptop story was a Russian hoax. That might have cost you the election. Their appointees hold all the senior jobs today.

Seventy percent of the US intel budget goes to private contractors, opening the system to cronyism and corruption. It will take years to clean up this mess. In the meantime, create a “Team B,” a small group of people you can trust at the National Security Council to keep you informed on world affairs and double-check the CIA’s daily briefing.

Don’t trust the “process people” at the White House. Your Deputy Chief of Staff Chris Liddell told a Republican luncheon not long ago that by picking the people who would attend meetings at the Oval Office and assigning their roles, he could predetermine your decisions 90% of the time. Bring in outsiders who work for you, not the swamp.

We’re in a situation like 1973, when Soviet air defense ruled the skies. In less than ten years we invented smart warfare, turned the tables on Russia, and began winning the Cold War. We invented the Digital Age as a byproduct of our revolution in defense technology.

Don’t put a flag officer or defense contractor lobbyist in charge of the Pentagon. Appoint a defense secretary with deep knowledge of new military technologies, someone like Michael Griffin, your Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering and the former head of NASA.

Under fiscal constraints, we can’t expand defense spending across the board. Focus on missile defense for the American homeland and American military assets. Cut legacy spending on forever wars, like the 230,000 US troops deployed overseas, and legacy systems like aircraft carriers.

Your first two defense secretaries came respectively from the Marines and the defense industry—and both of them tried to stop you from winning in 2024. You would be better served by a scientist who understands high tech in defense of the American homeland. Chips for defense and critical infrastructure should be produced at home under secure conditions.

Biden’s CHIPS Act is a disaster. It gave $8.5 billion to Intel just before it laid off 10% of its workforce. Worst of all, it left out R&D for chips based on new technologies. We’ve played Whack-a-Mole with China’s chip industry for five years. The battle for semiconductor dominance will be won by chips using interaction at the molecular or atomic level, with speeds orders of magnitude faster than silicon.

Finally, the swamp bet the future of NATO on the Ukraine misadventure. That disaster will cripple, if not destroy, NATO in its present form.

How to Deal with China

We’ve spent $7 trillion on forever wars. China spent $1 trillion on its Belt and Road Initiative. We lost influence and power, whereas China gained both. China’s exports to the US, Europe, and Japan are stagnating, but its exports to the Global South have doubled since you left office. China now exports more to the Global South than to all developed markets combined.

A lot of Chinese exports to the Global South are indirect exports to the US: China builds, plans, and ships components to Vietnam, India, and Mexico, and they export in turn to the US. This translates into a jump in Chinese influence in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Latin America, and more US dependence on Chinese supply chains.

China is gaining on us. At best, sanctions on exports of US technology to China buy time. At worst, they will backfire: Instead of keeping China dependent on our products, we have handed Chinese companies a captive domestic market for legacy chips and chip-making equipment.

We beat Russia in the Cold War by inventing the Digital Age, using NASA and the defense budget to drive breakthroughs in new technologies. We can innovate better than China. But federal support for R&D under Reagan was double its present level as a percent of GDP.

That’s why it’s critical to shift the defense budget to support new technology. To take only one example: We can’t out-produce China in missiles. The best response to China’s huge force of anti-ship missiles is directed-energy weapons (for example, lasers). But the Pentagon R&D budget for these new weapons is less than $800 million a year, or the cost of ten fighter planes.

We want to maintain the status quo over Taiwan. China won’t risk using force as long as Taiwan doesn’t move toward independence. With thousands of anti-ship missiles and hundreds of 5th-generation aircraft, China already outguns us in the South China Sea. To keep the balance of power, we need new anti-missile technology—not more sitting ducks in the form of surface ships.

Hong Kong







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