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David Goldman 致特朗普的信 实现和平,重建美国的工业基础 2019-10-14 04:34:53

David Goldman 致特朗普的信 实现和平,重建美国的工业基础

致特朗普的信:实现和平,重建美国的工业基础

如果唐纳德·特朗普赢得总统大选,我的建议是

大卫·P·戈德曼 2024 年 10 月 28 日
https://asiatimes.com/2024/10/letter-to-trump-make-peace-and-rebuild-americas-industrial-base/

在唐纳德·特朗普的“美国优先”政府领导下,美国经济将不再那么开放。图片:X 截图

本文最初发表在克莱尔蒙特研究所智库的出版物《美国心智》上,并经许可转载。

尊敬的特朗普总统:

祝贺您在 11 月的选举中获胜。乔·拜登总统和卡马拉·哈里斯副总统给您留下了一场战略灾难和脆弱的经济,但您提出了一项维持和平和恢复经济增长的计划。以下是一些可能有助于您努力的想法,后面是更具体的建议:

考虑到消费者更高的利息成本,通货膨胀率接近 8%,而不是官方的“3%”。拜登通过创纪录的预算赤字引发了通货膨胀,美联储通过增加消费者的利息负担使情况变得更糟。您必须让美国公众了解这一现实,并让合适的人来解决这个问题。
据税务基金会称,联邦预算赤字占 GDP 的 6.4%, “比 1930 年以来任何有记录的赤字都要大,除了二战、2008 年金融危机和疫情期间”。联邦利息成本翻了一番,现在与国防一样贵。让了解您的经济议程的人进入美联储董事会。
我们的觉醒教育体系是一场灾难,背叛了工薪阶层的孩子。我们无法填补制造业的技术岗位,因为高中毕业生缺乏基本的数学技能。在短期内,州立社区大学系统和勤工俭学学徒计划可以提供帮助。创建一个联邦和州政府倡议,在制造技能方面建立公私合作伙伴关系,并请州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯 (Ron DeSantis) 领导该计划。
当选副总统 J D Vance 于 9 月提出了一项可行的和平计划,以结束俄乌战争。让他在处理乌克兰问题方面发挥重要作用。你第一届政府中外交政策机构的残余人员除了给你设置障碍外什么也没做。不要听他们的,而要让一个聪明的局外人来掌权。
美国军工联合体是一个腐败和无能的无望泥潭,无法制造足够的炮弹来供应乌克兰,更不用说足够的潜艇了。绕过五角大楼高层和国防承包商,选择一位了解新国防技术的国防部长。
你提出的对中国电动汽车进口征收高额关税但允许中国公司在美国建厂的提议非常出色——非常像罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 在 1980 年代对日本汽车进口的回应。
美国优先的经济政策
拜登和哈里斯给你们留下了创纪录的债务和赤字,以及危险的家庭债务负担。正如戴维·马尔帕斯所观察到的,他们不计后果地向自己青睐的选民发放救济金,导致了这种通货膨胀,而不是货币政策。

美联储将利率维持在过低水平的时间过长,然后又将其提高过多。前财政部长劳伦斯·萨默斯表示,包括更高的利率后,实际通胀率是官方数字的两倍。请他帮助劳工统计局公布实际通胀率。

你需要一个稳定的货币政策,而不是美联储的繁荣与萧条的拉锯战。让了解货币政策实际运作方式的人进入美联储委员会,而不是让今天管理美联储的空想家们进入委员会。

工业复兴的最大障碍是缺乏熟练劳动力,这要归功于控制美国教育的自由主义者。召集我们最大的制造公司的首席执行官,他们会告诉你同样的事情:不到四分之一的美国高中生精通数学。这使得计算机控制制造业的高端工作遥不可及。

我们可以通过与企业合作,让州立社区大学系统解决这个问题。佛罗里达州已经开始行动了。请州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯领导一项培训技术工人的紧急行动。

在美国历史上,美国进口的资本货物首次超过我们为国内消费生产的资本货物。关税的缺点是,它们将增加依赖外国投入的制造商的成本,而国内替代品的提供需要时间和金钱。你可能会提议对购买中国资本货物以扩大美国生产的美国制造商进行关税退税。

税收制度不利于资本密集型投资,提高了制造业的税后资本成本。根据美联储的数据,美国的制造设备库存 20 年来没有增加。

为了恢复长期增长趋势,我们需要大约 1 万亿美元的资本支出。国会的共和党领导人应该提出紧急立法

允许立即对资本设备进行税收减免。

2017 年的企业减税措施增加了资本设备费用化所需的年限,应进行修改,以允许立即对资本设备进行费用化。这可能比关税更能刺激国内制造业。

对抗国家安全机构
当你谴责无休止的战争时,你激怒了外交政策沼泽,他们花了四年时间试图将你赶下台。沼泽把所有的赌注都押在了乌克兰无休止的战争上,而你拒绝配合,使你成为他们不可调和的敌人。

不要低估他们阻止你的决心。你在第一届政府中雇佣了建制派,每次都有理由后悔。现在,沼泽已经没有妥协的余地了。

深层政府诱捕了你的第一任国家安全顾问迈克·弗林将军,他的继任者 H·R·麦克马斯特和约翰·博尔顿通过背叛你来回报你的信任。你不能相信失败的、无能的外交政策机构。

它除了永远的战争和干涉别国内政之外什么都不知道。问题是,该机构已经控制了三代政府服务和学术界的晋升,所以任何简历丰富的候选人都搞错了方向。

万斯可能没有很多外交政策经验,但常识比多年推行无能的政策更有价值。请维克多·戴维斯·汉森负责过渡团队的外交政策和国家安全招聘。

继续寻求匈牙利总理维克多·奥尔班的建议,他是你在海外最强大的支持者,也是欧洲最聪明的政治家。万斯结束乌克兰战争的计划——建立停火、缓冲区和乌克兰中立——将发挥作用。

大卫·弗里德曼在你的第一任期内担任驻以色列大使时,出色地制定了亚伯拉罕协议。说服他回来工作。拜登政府将沙特阿拉伯视为贱民,并与哈马斯的东道主和金主卡塔尔交好。

这令人愤慨,尤其是在 2023 年 10 月 7 日的大屠杀之后。向沙特和阿联酋伸出援手。否则,面对中国的外交举措,美国在该地区的影响力可能会消失。

你正确地提出了一个导弹防御系统来保护美国。恢复里根的战略防御计划是多年来人们提出的最佳防御政策。

你会从军人那里得到错误的建议。他们浪费了数万亿美元来建设错误的军队,并试图通过要求更多这样的军队来为他们之前的错误辩解。我们不需要将近 25 万军队部署在海外。

海军的远征军已经过时了。水面舰艇是反舰导弹的活靶子——而中国有数千艘这样的舰艇。与此同时,我们枯竭的工业基础每年只能建造一艘潜艇。

五角大楼高层会给你提供虚假的场景,以证明更多过时的遗留系统是合理的。聘请像空军军官和斯坦福大学教授奥里安娜·斯凯拉·马斯特罗这样能看穿花言巧语的专家。

你不能相信美国情报界。2020 年,51 名高级情报官员签署了一份声明,声称亨特·拜登笔记本电脑事件是俄罗斯的骗局。这可能会让你输掉大选。他们任命的人如今占据了所有的高级职位。
美国情报预算的 70% 流向了私人承包商,这让该系统容易滋生裙带关系和腐败。清理这个烂摊子需要数年时间。与此同时,在国家安全委员会组建一个“B 队”,这是一小群你可以信任的人,他们会随时向你通报世界事务,并仔细检查中央情报局的每日简报。

不要相信白宫的“流程人员”。不久前,你们的副参谋长克里斯·利德尔在一次共和党午餐会上说,通过挑选出席椭圆形办公室会议的人并分配他们的角色,他可以在 90% 的时间里预先决定你的决定。引进为你工作而不是为沼泽工作的外来人。

我们现在的情况就像 1973 年,当时苏联防空系统统治着天空。在不到十年的时间里,我们发明了智能战争,扭转了对俄罗斯的局面,并开始赢得冷战。我们发明了数字时代,这是我们国防技术革命的副产品。

不要让一位将军或国防承包商说客掌管五角大楼。任命一位对新军事技术有深入了解的国防部长,比如迈克尔·格里芬,他是你们负责研究和工程的国防部副部长,也是前美国国家航空航天局局长。

在财政限制下,我们无法全面扩大国防开支。专注于美国本土和美国军事资产的导弹防御。削减永久战争的遗留开支,例如部署在海外的 23 万美军,以及航空母舰等遗留系统。
你的前两任国防部长分别来自海军陆战队和国防工业——而且

他们试图阻止你在 2024 年获胜。你最好找一位了解高科技的科学家来保卫美国本土。国防和关键基础设施的芯片应该在安全的条件下在国内生产。

拜登的《芯片法案》是一场灾难。就在英特尔裁员 10% 之前,它给了英特尔 85 亿美元。最糟糕的是,它忽略了基于新技术的芯片的研发。我们和中国的芯片行业玩了五年的打地鼠游戏。半导体主导地位之战将由使用分子或原子级相互作用的芯片赢得,其速度比硅快几个数量级。

最后,沼泽把北约的未来押在了乌克兰的冒险上。这场灾难将削弱,甚至摧毁,北约现在的形式。

如何与中国打交道
我们在永远的战争上花了 7 万亿美元。中国在“一带一路”计划上花了 1 万亿美元。我们失去了影响力和权力,而中国则获得了两者。中国对美国、欧洲和日本的出口停滞不前,但自您卸任以来,其对全球南方国家的出口却翻了一番。中国现在对全球南方国家的出口超过了对所有发达市场的总和。

中国对全球南方国家的很多出口都是对美国的间接出口:中国制造、规划和运送零部件到越南、印度和墨西哥,然后这些国家再出口到美国。这意味着中国在亚洲、欧洲、中东和拉丁美洲的影响力将大幅提升,美国对中国供应链的依赖也将加大。

中国正在追赶我们。在最好的情况下,对美国技术出口到中国的制裁将赢得时间。在最坏的情况下,这些制裁将适得其反:我们并没有让中国依赖我们的产品,而是把传统芯片和芯片制造设备的国内市场拱手让给了中国公司。

我们在冷战中通过发明数字时代击败了俄罗斯,利用美国国家航空航天局和国防预算推动新技术的突破。我们可以比中国做得更好。但里根执政时期,联邦政府对研发的支持占 GDP 的比例是现在的两倍。

这就是为什么将国防预算转向支持新技术至关重要。仅举一个例子:我们无法在导弹生产上超过中国。对中国庞大的反舰导弹力量的最佳回应是定向能武器(例如激光)。但五角大楼用于这些新武器的研发预算每年不到 8 亿美元,或十架战斗机的成本。

我们希望维持台湾的现状。只要台湾不走向独立,中国就不会冒险使用武力。凭借数千枚反舰导弹和数百架第五代飞机,中国在南海的火力已经超过我们。为了保持力量平衡,我们需要新的反导技术——而不是更多的水面舰艇。

香港

立即采取行动,将对中国进口电动汽车征收高额关税与邀请中国公司在美国建厂结合起来。正如埃隆·马斯克所熟知的那样,中国在工业自动化方面处于领先地位,包括人工智能应用和 5G 通信。

小米刚刚开设了一家全自动化工厂,每天可以生产 1,000 辆汽车。没有一家美国公司能像比亚迪的海鸥那样,生产标价低于 10,000 美元的电动汽车。这就像 1980 年代,当时日本汽车制造商的技术比底特律更好。迫使日本人在这里建厂帮助美国汽车业赶上速度。
就像我们在冷战期间所做的那样,我们需要利用美国独特的创新能力来更新我们的工业基础。总统先生,如果您能引导我们做到这一点,您的第二届政府将被铭记为美国历史的转折点。

David P Goldman 是《亚洲时报》副主编、克莱蒙特研究所华盛顿研究员和《法律与自由》的高级作家。

Letter to Trump: make peace and rebuild America's industrial base


My advice to Donald Trump should he win the presidential election

By DAVID P GOLDMAN  OCTOBER 28, 2024

https://asiatimes.com/2024/10/letter-to-trump-make-peace-and-rebuild-americas-industrial-base/


The US will be a less open economy under Donald Trump's 'America First' administration. Image: X Screengrab


This article first appeared on The American Mind, a publication of the Claremount Institute think tank, and is republished with permission.




Dear President Trump:

Congratulations on your November election victory. President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris have left you with a strategic disaster and a fragile economy, but you have put forward a program to keep the peace and restore economic growth. Here are some ideas that may help in your efforts, followed by more specific proposals:

  • Inflation is closer to 8% than the official “3%” after figuring in higher interest costs to consumers. Biden started this inflation by running record budget deficits and the Federal Reserve made it worse by increasing the interest burden on consumers. You must educate the American public on this reality and get the right people in place to fix it.

  • The federal budget deficit is 6.4% of GDP, “larger than any deficit in records going back to 1930 except the years around World War II, the 2008 financial crisis, and the pandemic,” according to the Tax Foundation. Federal interest costs have doubled and now cost as much as defense. Get people on the Fed board who understand your economic agenda.

  • Our woke education system is a disaster and has betrayed working-class kids. We can’t fill skilled jobs in manufacturing because high school graduates lack basic math skills. In the short term, state community college systems and work-study apprenticeship programs can help. Create a federal-state initiative for public-private partnerships in manufacturing skills, and ask Governor Ron DeSantis to head it.

  • Vice President-elect J D Vance offered a workable peace plan in September to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. Give him a big role in handling the Ukraine problem. Leftovers from the foreign policy establishment in your first administration did nothing but sandbag you. Don’t listen to them and put a smart outsider in charge instead.

  • The US military-industrial complex is a hopeless morass of corruption and incompetence that can’t make enough artillery shells to supply Ukraine, let alone enough submarines. Bypass the Pentagon brass and the defense contractors and choose a secretary of defense who understands new defense technologies.

  • Your proposal to put high tariffs on Chinese EV imports but allow Chinese companies to build plants in the US is brilliant—and very much like Ronald Reagan’s response to Japanese auto imports in the 1980s.

An America First Economic Policy

Biden and Harris left you with record debts and deficits, and a dangerous household debt burden. Their reckless spending on handouts to their favored constituencies caused this inflation, not monetary policy, as David Malpass observed.

The Federal Reserve kept interest rates too low for too long and then raised them too much. Former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers showed that the real inflation rate is double the official number after including higher interest rates. Ask him to help the Bureau of Labor Statistics publish the real inflation rate.

You need a stable monetary policy instead of the Fed’s boom-and-bust whipsaw. Put people on the Federal Reserve Board who understand how monetary policy actually works instead of the ideologues who run the Fed today.

The biggest obstacle to industrial revival is the lack of skilled labor, thanks to the liberals who control US education. Summon the CEOs of our biggest manufacturing companies, and they’ll tell you the same thing: less than a quarter of US high school students are proficient in math. That puts high-end jobs in computer-controlled manufacturing out of their reach.

We can fix the problem by enlisting state community college systems in partnership with corporations. Florida already has the ball rolling. Ask Governor Ron DeSantis to head an emergency effort to train skilled workers.

For the first time in American history, America imports more capital goods than we produce for domestic consumption. The downside of tariffs is that they will increase costs for manufacturers who rely on foreign inputs, and domestic substitutes will take time and money to provide. You might propose a tariff rebate for American manufacturers who buy Chinese capital goods to expand production in the US.

The tax system is rigged against capital-intensive investment, raising the after-tax cost of capital for manufacturing. America’s stock of manufacturing equipment hasn’t risen in 20 years according to the Federal Reserve.

To return to a long-term growth trend, we need about $1 trillion in capital spending. GOP leaders in Congress should propose emergency legislation to allow immediate tax write-offs of capital equipment.

The 2017 corporate tax cut, which increased the number of years required to expense capital equipment, should be revised to allow immediate expensing of capital equipment. That may be a bigger stimulus for domestic manufacturing than tariffs.

Countering the National Security Establishment

You outraged the foreign policy swamp when you denounced endless wars, and they spent four years trying to remove you from office. The swamp bet the farm on endless war in Ukraine, and your refusal to play along makes you their irreconcilable enemy.

Don’t underestimate how determined they are to stop you. You hired establishment types in your first administration and had cause to regret it every time. Now, there’s no room for compromise with the swamp.

The Deep State entrapped your first National Security Adviser, General Mike Flynn, and his successors H R McMaster and John Bolton repaid your trust by turning on you. You can’t trust the failed, feckless foreign policy establishment.

It knows nothing but forever wars and meddling in other countries’ affairs. The problem is that the establishment has controlled promotion in government service and academia for three generations, so any candidate with a big resume got it the wrong way.

Vance may not have a lot of foreign policy experience, but common sense is a better qualification than years of pushing incompetent policies. Ask Victor Davis Hanson to run foreign policy and national security recruitment for the transition team.



And continue to seek the advice of Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, your strongest supporter overseas and the smartest politician in Europe. Vance’s plan to end the war in Ukraine—establishing a ceasefire, a buffer zone, and Ukrainian neutrality—will do the job.

David Friedman did a brilliant job crafting the Abraham Accords as Ambassador to Israel in your first term. Persuade him to return to the job. The Biden administration treats Saudi Arabia like a pariah and cozies up to Qatar, the host and paymaster to Hamas.

That’s an outrage, especially after the October 7, 2023 massacre. Reach out to the Saudis and the UAE. Otherwise, US influence in the region may dissolve in the face of China’s diplomatic initiatives.

You rightly proposed a missile shield to protect the United States. Reviving Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative is the best defense policy anyone has put forward in years.

You will get bad advice from the uniforms. They wasted trillions building the wrong kind of military and will try to justify their previous blunders by demanding more of the same. We don’t need nearly a quarter million troops deployed overseas.

The Navy’s expeditionary forces are obsolete. Surface ships are sitting ducks for anti-ship missiles—and China has thousands of them. Meanwhile, our depleted industrial base can barely build one submarine a year.

The Pentagon brass will feed you phony scenarios to justify more obsolete legacy systems. Hire experts who see through flummery like Air Force officer and Stanford Professor Oriana Skylar Mastro.

You can’t trust the US Intelligence Community. Fifty-one senior intelligence officials signed a statement in 2020 claiming that the Hunter Biden laptop story was a Russian hoax. That might have cost you the election. Their appointees hold all the senior jobs today.

Seventy percent of the US intel budget goes to private contractors, opening the system to cronyism and corruption. It will take years to clean up this mess. In the meantime, create a “Team B,” a small group of people you can trust at the National Security Council to keep you informed on world affairs and double-check the CIA’s daily briefing.

Don’t trust the “process people” at the White House. Your Deputy Chief of Staff Chris Liddell told a Republican luncheon not long ago that by picking the people who would attend meetings at the Oval Office and assigning their roles, he could predetermine your decisions 90% of the time. Bring in outsiders who work for you, not the swamp.

We’re in a situation like 1973, when Soviet air defense ruled the skies. In less than ten years we invented smart warfare, turned the tables on Russia, and began winning the Cold War. We invented the Digital Age as a byproduct of our revolution in defense technology.

Don’t put a flag officer or defense contractor lobbyist in charge of the Pentagon. Appoint a defense secretary with deep knowledge of new military technologies, someone like Michael Griffin, your Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering and the former head of NASA.

Under fiscal constraints, we can’t expand defense spending across the board. Focus on missile defense for the American homeland and American military assets. Cut legacy spending on forever wars, like the 230,000 US troops deployed overseas, and legacy systems like aircraft carriers.

Your first two defense secretaries came respectively from the Marines and the defense industry—and both of them tried to stop you from winning in 2024. You would be better served by a scientist who understands high tech in defense of the American homeland. Chips for defense and critical infrastructure should be produced at home under secure conditions.

Biden’s CHIPS Act is a disaster. It gave $8.5 billion to Intel just before it laid off 10% of its workforce. Worst of all, it left out R&D for chips based on new technologies. We’ve played Whack-a-Mole with China’s chip industry for five years. The battle for semiconductor dominance will be won by chips using interaction at the molecular or atomic level, with speeds orders of magnitude faster than silicon.

Finally, the swamp bet the future of NATO on the Ukraine misadventure. That disaster will cripple, if not destroy, NATO in its present form.

How to Deal with China

We’ve spent $7 trillion on forever wars. China spent $1 trillion on its Belt and Road Initiative. We lost influence and power, whereas China gained both. China’s exports to the US, Europe, and Japan are stagnating, but its exports to the Global South have doubled since you left office. China now exports more to the Global South than to all developed markets combined.

A lot of Chinese exports to the Global South are indirect exports to the US: China builds, plans, and ships components to Vietnam, India, and Mexico, and they export in turn to the US. This translates into a jump in Chinese influence in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Latin America, and more US dependence on Chinese supply chains.

China is gaining on us. At best, sanctions on exports of US technology to China buy time. At worst, they will backfire: Instead of keeping China dependent on our products, we have handed Chinese companies a captive domestic market for legacy chips and chip-making equipment.

We beat Russia in the Cold War by inventing the Digital Age, using NASA and the defense budget to drive breakthroughs in new technologies. We can innovate better than China. But federal support for R&D under Reagan was double its present level as a percent of GDP.

That’s why it’s critical to shift the defense budget to support new technology. To take only one example: We can’t out-produce China in missiles. The best response to China’s huge force of anti-ship missiles is directed-energy weapons (for example, lasers). But the Pentagon R&D budget for these new weapons is less than $800 million a year, or the cost of ten fighter planes.

We want to maintain the status quo over Taiwan. China won’t risk using force as long as Taiwan doesn’t move toward independence. With thousands of anti-ship missiles and hundreds of 5th-generation aircraft, China already outguns us in the South China Sea. To keep the balance of power, we need new anti-missile technology—not more sitting ducks in the form of surface ships.

Hong Kong







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