馬克龍訪美演講

“自由的消亡，最多只需要一代人。我們無法將自由通過血緣傳給我們的子孫，它必須被爭取、被保護、被傳承，被一代又一代人捍衛。” 

尊敬的美利堅合眾國議長先生、副總統先生、各位聯邦國會議員、女士們先生們：

Mr. Speaker,Mr. Vice President,Honorable members of the United States Congress,Ladies and gentlemen,

受邀到這個民主聖地（指美國國會）演講，這是法國的榮譽、法國人民的榮譽和我的榮譽。這裡書寫了太多合眾國的歷史。

It is an honour for France, for the French people, and for me, to be received in this sanctuary of democracy, where so much of the history of the United States has been written.

今天，我們被如此眾多的圖像、肖像和象徵物所環繞，這讓我們想起法國從一開始就參與了（美國）這個偉大國度的歷程，用心靈和行動。

We are surrounded today with images, portraits and symbols, which remind us that France has participated – with heart in hand – in the story of this great nation. From the very beginning.

自那時起，我們便分享着對於人類的共同觀念。我們兩國植根於同一塊土壤，立足於在那些誕生於美利堅革命和法蘭西革命的共同理念之上。為了自由、寬容、平權這些普世理念，我們通力合作。

Since then, we have shared a common vision for humanity. Our two nations are rooted in the same soil, grounded in the same ideals of the American and French Revolutions. We have worked together for the universal ideals of liberty, tolerance, and equal rights.

今天早上，我站在拉法耶特（法國貴族、赴美參加獨立戰爭）的雕像下，感受他的凝視。作為一個勇敢的年輕人，他與喬治·華盛頓並肩作戰，並建立了一段親密的關係，受到了尊敬和愛戴。拉法耶特稱自己為“美國之子”。1792年，喬治·華盛頓成為美國和法國的兒子，我們的第一個共和國授予他公民權。

And this morning, I stand under the protective gaze of La Fayette, right behind me. As a brave young man, he fought alongside George Washington and forged a tight relationship, fuelled by respect and affection. La Fayette used to call himself a “son of the United States”. And, in 1792, George Washington became a son of America and France, when our First Republic awarded citizenship to him.

我們站立的這個地方，你們美麗的首都，是法國建築師查爾斯·勒’英凡特構思設計的。

Here we stand, in your beautiful capital city, whose plans were conceived by a French architect, Charles L’Enfant.

美法關係的奇蹟在於，我們從未失去這份深深根植於我們歷史和血脈中的紐帶。

The miracle of the relationship between the United States and France is that we have never lost this special bond deeply rooted not only in our history, but also in our flesh.

這就是我邀請特朗普總統參加去年7月14日我總統任期的第一個巴士底獄遊行的原因，也是特朗普總統就任後的第一次國事訪問邀請法國的原因，這代表我們兩國共同歷史記憶的延續，在這個紛亂多事的世界裡。請允許我感謝你們的總統和第一夫人，感謝他們對我夫人和我的盛情邀請。

This is why I invited President Donald Trump for the first Bastille Day Parade of my presidency, on 14 July last year. Today, President Trump’s decision to offer France his first state visit to Washington has a particular resonance, because it represents the continuity of our shared history, in a troubled world. And let me thank your president and the First Lady for this wonderful invitation to my wife and myself.

這就是把我們聯合起來，在第一次世界大戰中抗擊帝國主義、第二次世界大戰中抗擊法西斯主義，接下來共同抵禦斯大林主義威脅的原因。現在，我們又聯手對付恐怖主義組織。

This is what united us in the struggle against imperialism during the First World War. Then in the fight against Nazism during the Second World War. This is what united us again during the era of the Stalinist threat, and now we lean on that strength to fight against terrorist groups.

讓我們回到1916年7月4日（美國獨立日），當時美國尚未加入一戰。有一位年輕的美國詩人已經在法國海外軍團作戰，因為他熱愛法國、熱愛自由。

Let us for a moment transport ourselves to the past. Imagine, this is 4 July 1916. Back then, the United States had not entered World War I. And yet, a young American poet enlisted in the ranks of our Foreign Legion, because he loved France and he loved the cause of freedom.

這位美國年輕人在美國獨立日犧牲於Belloy-en-Santerre——離我的家鄉亞眠不遠。此前他曾寫道：“我與死亡有個約會。”這位年輕的美國人名叫阿蘭·西格，在巴黎有一座雕像紀念他。

This young American would fight and die on Independence Day at Belloy-en-Santerre, not far from Amiens, my home town, after having written these words: “I have a rendez-vous with death.” The name of this young American was Alan Seeger. A statue stands in his honour in Paris.

今天我們非常榮幸地邀請了二戰老兵羅伯特·傑克遜·埃沃德到場。他曾經在D日參加了諾曼底登陸。74年前，他為自由而戰。先生，我代表法國感謝您，我向您的勇氣與奉獻致敬！

That is why we are very honoured by the presence today of Robert Jackson Ewald, a World War II veteran. Robert Jackson Ewald took part in the D-Day landing. He fought for our freedom, 74 years ago. Sir, on behalf of France: thank you. I bow to your courage and your devotion.

自1776年以來，美國人民和法國人民已經對自由有了不約而同的默契。

Since 1776, we, the American and French people, have had a rendez-vous with freedom.

近年來，僅僅因為我們的價值觀和對自由的鐘愛，我們兩國就遭受了痛苦的損失。因為這些價值觀正是那些恐怖分子所仇視的。在悲劇性地 2001 年 9 月 11 日，許多美國人與死亡不期而遇。而在過去五年裡，法國和歐洲也遭遇了可怕的恐怖襲擊。我們永遠不應忘記這些無辜受害者，也不應忘記這些事件後我們兩國人民所展現出的難以置信的頑強。這是為自由、為民主而付出的慘痛代價。

In recent years, our nations have suffered wrenching losses simply because of our values and our taste for freedom. Because these values are the very ones those terrorists precisely hate.Tragically, on 11 September 2001, many Americans had an unexpected rendez-vous with death. Over the last five years, my country and Europe also experienced terrible terrorist attacks.And we shall never forget these innocent victims, nor the incredible resilience of our people in the aftermath. It is a horrific price to pay for freedom, for democracy.

我們無數次與死亡相遇，因為我們持之以恆，心系自由與民主。正如印在法國革命者旗幟上的銘言所說：“不自由，毋寧死。”

We have encountered countless rendez-vous with death, because we have this constant attachment to freedom and democracy. As emblazoned on the flags of the French revolutionaries, “Vivre libre ou mourir”. Live free or die.

幸好，自由也是所有一切值得為之而活的事物的源泉，自由是對思考和愛的呼喚，是對我們意志的呼喚。這就是為何在和平時期，法國和美國能夠從痛苦的記憶出發，鑄造起牢不可破的連結。而我們之間最堅不可摧、最強大、最堅定的紐帶、把我們兩國人民的真正的目標連接起來、共同前進的，就是亞伯拉罕·林肯所說的民主的“未竟事業”。

Thankfully, freedom is also the source of all that is worth living for. Freedom is a call to think and to love. It is a call to our will. That is why, in times of peace, France and the United States were able to forge unbreakable bonds, from the grist of painful memories.The most indestructible, the most powerful, the most definitive knot between us is the one that ties the true purpose of our peoples to advance, as Abraham Lincoln said, the “unfinished business” of democracy.

確實，我們這兩個社會推進了所有人的人權。它們一直在進行持續的對話，以展開這項“未竟事業”。在這個國會大廈圓形大廳，50年前被暗殺的馬丁·路德·金的塑像提醒着我們不忘非裔美國領袖、藝術家、作家的精神，他們已經成為我們共同精神遺產的一部分。我們特別懷念他們之中的詹姆斯·鮑德溫和理查德·賴特——他們曾來到過法國。我們共享公民權的歷史，法國的西蒙娜·德·波伏娃在70年代曾是美國性別平權運動中受到尊敬的人物。而女性權利一直是位於大西洋兩岸的我們兩個社會前進的根本動力。這也解釋了為什麼#MeToo運動最近在法國引起了如此深刻的共鳴。

Indeed, our two societies have stood up to advance human rights for all. They have engaged in a continual dialogue to unpack this “unfinished business”.

In this Capitol Rotunda, the bust of Martin Luther King, assassinated 50 years ago, reminds us of the spiration of African-American leaders, artists, writers who have become part of our common heritage. We celebrate among them James Baldwin and Richard Wright, whom France hosted on our soil.

We have shared the history of civil rights. France’s Simone de Beauvoir became a respected figure in the movement for gender equality in America in the 70s. Women's rights have long been a fundamental driver for our societies on both sides of the Atlantic. This explains why the #MeToo movement has recently had such a deep resonance in France.

民主是由公民間的日常對話和相互理解構成的。當我們有能力使用彼此的語言時，民主就更加地容易，更加深入。而法語世界（francophonie）的心臟也在這裡跳動，從新奧爾良到西雅圖，它在美國跳動。我想要這心跳在全美國的學校里更加強烈。

Democracy is made of day-to-day conversations and mutual understanding between citizens.It is easier and deeper when we have the ability to speak each other’s language. The heart of Francophonie also beats here, in the United States, from New Orleans to Seattle. I want this heart to beat even harder in American schools all across the country.

民主也有賴於自由描述當下與創造未來的能力。而文化帶給我們的正是這些。當我們想到幾個世紀以來我們之間的文化交流時，我的腦海中浮現出成千上萬個例子。

Democracy relies also on the faculty of freely describing the present and the capacity to invent the future. This is what culture brings. Thousands of examples come to mind when we think of the exchanges between our cultures across the centuries.

曾任美國駐法大使的托馬斯·傑斐遜建造他在蒙蒂塞洛的住所時依照的就是他鍾愛的一座巴黎建築，而海明威也在小說《流動的盛宴》裡盛讚這座法國首都；我們偉大的19世紀法國作家夏多布里昂把對美國廣闊的空地、森林與山川的想象帶給了法國人民，而福克納創作於美國深南部的小說卻首先在法國被傳閱，並迅速受到法國文學界的好評；來自路易斯安那的爵士樂和來自密西西比的布魯斯在法國找到了熱情的受眾，而美國則醉心於印象派以及法國現當代藝術。從電影到時尚、從設計到高端烹飪、從體育到視覺藝術……這些交流在許多領域都生機勃勃。

From Thomas Jefferson, who was Ambassador to France and built his house in Monticello based on a building he loved in Paris, to Hemingway’s novel Moveable Feast celebrating the capital city of France. From our great 19th-century French writer Chateaubriand bringing to the French people the dream of America's open spaces, forests and mountains to Faulkner’s novels crafted in the deep South, but first read in France where they quickly gained literary praise. From jazz coming from Louisiana and the blues from Mississippi finding in France an enthusiastic public to the American fascination for Impressionists, and the French modern and contemporary arts. These exchanges are vibrant in so many fields, from cinema to fashion, from design to high cuisine, from sports to visual arts.

醫藥和科學研究以及商業和創新也是我們共同旅程中的重要部分。美國是法國最重要的科學合作夥伴。我們的經濟紐帶在大西洋兩岸創造了數十萬個就業機會。

Medicine and scientific research as well as business and innovation are also a significant part of our shared journey. The United States is France’s first scientific partner.Our economic ties create hundreds of thousands of jobs, on both sides of the Atlantic.

法國和美國的故事是一個無止境的對話，它由兩國對尊嚴與進步的共同嚮往和為之展開的共同奮鬥組成，它是我們的民主原則與價值觀的最佳成就。這便是我們之間非同尋常的關係，這便是我們。

The story of France and the United States is a story of an endless dialogue made of common dreams, of a common struggle for dignity and progress. It is the best achievement of our democratic principles and values.

This is this very special relationship.

但我們必須記得西奧多·羅斯福總統的警告：“自由的消亡，最多只需要一代人。我們無法將自由通過血緣傳給我們的子孫，它必須被爭取、被保護、被傳承，被一代又一代人捍衛。” 

But we must remember the warning of President Theodore Roosevelt: “Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn’t pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, handed on for them to do the same”.

這確實是個迫切的警告。因為現在，在我們的雙邊紐帶之外，在我們非同尋常的關係之外，歐洲和美國必須共同面對本世紀的全球挑戰。我們不能將我們跨越大西洋的共同歷史和連結視為理所當然。我們西方價值的核心本身正面臨危險。

This is an urgent reminder indeed. Because now, going beyond our bilateral ties, beyond our very special relationship, Europe and the United States must face together the global challenges of this century. And we cannot take for granted our transatlantic history and bonds. At the core, our Western values themselves are at risk.

我們必須成功面對這些挑戰，而若是忘記了我們的原則和我們的歷史，我們將不可能成功。

We have to succeed facing these challenges, and we cannot succeed forgetting our principles and our history.

事實上，二十一世紀帶來一系列新的威脅和新的挑戰，可能是我們的祖先從未想象過的。

In fact, the 21st century has brought a series of new threats and new challenges that our ancestors might not ever have imagined.

我們最強烈的信念正在經受一個未知的新世界秩序的興起帶來的挑戰。我們的社會正擔憂子孫的未來。

Our strongest beliefs are challenged by the rise of a yet unknown new world order. Our societies are concerned about the future of their children.

我們會聚在這個莊嚴的議會裡，作為民選官員，我們都有責任證明：民主仍是今天出現的問題和疑慮的最佳答案。

All of us gathered here in this noble Chamber, we - elected officials - all share the responsibility to demonstrate that democracy remains the best answer to the questions and doubts that arise today.

即使我們進步的根基被打亂，我們也必須堅定不移地戰鬥，讓我們的原則獲得勝利。

Even if the foundations of our progress are disrupted, we must stand firmly and fight to make our principles prevail.

但除此之外，我們還肩負着另外一項由我們的共同歷史中繼承而來的責任。如今，國際社會需要加強我們的遊戲規則，並依據我們在第二次世界大戰之後建立的長期原則而構建21世紀的世界秩序。

But we bear another responsibility inherited from our collective history. Today, the international community needs to step up our game and build the 21st century world order, based on the perennial principles we established together after World War II.

法治，以及那些我們70年來藉以維持和平的基本價值現在正經受一些緊迫事態的威脅，為此，我們需要採取聯合行動。

The rule of law, the fundamental values on which we secured peace for 70 years are now questioned by urgent issues that require our joint action.

我們和我們的國際盟友與夥伴一道，正在面對全球化造成的不平等、對我們的共同財產——地球的威脅、反自由主義的崛起對民主制度的進攻、新興強國及犯罪國家對國際社會的擾動。

Together with our international allies and partners, we are facing inequalities created by globalization; threats to the planet, our common good; attacks on democracies through the rise of illiberalism; and the destabilization of our international community by new powers and criminal states.

所有這些風險，都會傷害到我們的國民。

All these risks aggrieve our citizens.

正因為當下這些全球性威脅，無論在美國還是在歐洲，我們都處於一個憤怒和恐懼的時代。

Both in the United States and in Europe we are living in a time of anger and fear, because of these current global threats.

但僅憑這些感受，我們什麼都建造不起來。你可以暫時地利用恐懼與憤怒，但它們沒有任何建設性。憤怒只會禁錮我們，讓我們衰弱。而正如富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福在他的首次就職演講中所說：“我們唯一值得恐懼的，就是恐懼本身。”

But these feelings do not build anything. You can play with fears and anger for a time. But they do not construct anything. Anger only freezes and weakens us. And, as Franklin Delano Roosevelt said during his first inaugural speech, “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself”.

因此，請允許我說：我們的面前有兩條路。

Therefore, let me say we have two possible ways ahead.

我們可以選擇孤立主義、與世隔絕以及民族主義。這是一個選項。作為針對恐懼的臨時解藥，它可能很有誘惑力。但是，對世界關上大門並不能阻止世界的演進，它並不能熄滅我們的國民心中的恐懼，反而會將其點燃。我們必須睜開雙眼，面對我們正前方這些新的危險。我堅信，如果我們決定睜大眼睛，我們會變得更加強大，我們會戰勝危險。我們不會讓民族主義橫衝直撞，撼動這個全心憧憬着更多繁榮的世界。

We can choose isolationism, withdrawal, and nationalism. This is an option.

It can be tempting to us as a temporary remedy to our fears.

But closing the door to the world will not stop the evolution of the world. It will not douse, but inflame, the fears of our citizens. We have to keep our eyes wide open to the new risks, right in front of us.

I am convinced that if we decide to open our eyes wider, we will be stronger. We will overcome the dangers. We will not let the rampaging work of extreme nationalism shake a world full of hopes for greater prosperity.

現在正是關鍵的時刻。我相信，如果我們不以全球共同體的形式採取緊急行動，包括聯合國、北約在內的國際組織就無法再執行它們的任務、發揮促進穩定的影響力。那麼，二戰後建立的自由秩序將不可避免地遭到嚴重破壞。而那些擁有更強有力的策略和野心的國家將會填補我們留下的空缺。其他這些國家將毫不猶豫地推廣他們自己的模式，以塑造 21 世紀的世界秩序。而如果你們問我的想法的話，我個人並不認同對新強權的迷戀、對自由的拋棄和民族主義帶來的幻覺。

It is a critical moment. If we do not act with urgency as a global community, I am convinced that the international institutions, including the United Nations and NATO, will no longer be able to exercise their mandate and stabilizing influence. We would then inevitably and severely undermine the liberal order we built after World War II.

Other powers, with a stronger strategy and ambition, will then fill the void we would leave empty.

Other powers will not hesitate one second to advocate their own model, to shape the 21st century world order.

Personally, if you ask me, I do not share the fascination for new strong powers, the abandonment of freedom, and the illusion of nationalism.

因此，尊敬的議員們，讓我們撇開這些，來書寫我們自己的歷史、營造我們想要的未來吧。我們面對全球性的威脅，我們必須打造共同的答案。而擺在我們面前的唯一選項，就是加強合作。我們可以建立起21世紀的全球秩序，這一秩序以新型的多邊主義為基礎，以一種更高效、更負責、更加結果導向的多邊主義為基礎。這是一種強大的多邊主義。

Therefore, distinguished members of Congress, let us push them aside, write our own history and birth the future we want.

We have to shape our common answers to the global threats that we are facing.

The only option then is to strengthen our cooperation. We can build the 21st century world order, based on a new breed of multilateralism. Based on a more effective, accountable, and results-oriented multilateralism. A strong multilateralism.

現在比以往任何時候都更需要美國的參與，因為對於創造和保護如今的自由世界，你們的角色曾如此重要。美利堅合眾國創造了這一多邊主義，它如今正需要你們去保護和重塑。

This requires more than ever the United States’ involvement, as your role was decisive for creating and safeguarding today’s free world. The United States invented this multilateralism. You are the one now who has to help to preserve and reinvent it.

這一強大的多邊主義並不會讓我們的民族文化與民族身份失色。恰恰相反，強大的多邊主義將使我們的文化與身份得到尊重與保護，將使它們自由地共同繁盛。

This strong multilateralism will not outshine our national cultures and national identities. It is exactly the other way around. A strong multilateralism will allow our cultures and identities to be respected, to be protected and to flourish freely together.

為什麼？正因為位於大西洋兩岸的我們自己的文化都以對自由獨一無二的嚮往為基礎，以對自由與和平獨一無二的堅持為基礎。這一強大的多邊主義是唯一與我們的國家、文化與身份兼容的選項。

Why? Because precisely our own culture is based, on both sides of the Atlantic, on this unique taste for freedom, on this unique attachment to liberty and peace. This strong multilateralism is the unique option compatible with our nations, our cultures, our identities.

在這一點上，美國與歐洲承擔着歷史的重任，因為這是捍衛我們所堅信的東西、促進我們的普世價值的唯一選項，唯有這樣，我們才能強有力地宣稱：面對世界的失序，人權、少數群體的權利和共享的自由才是真正的答案。

The United States and Europe have a historical role in this respect, because it is the only way to defend what we believe in, to promote our universal values, to express strongly that human rights, the rights of minorities and shared liberty are the true answer to the disorders of the world.

我相信這些權利與價值。

I believe in these rights and values.

我相信，我們要用教育對抗無知、用發展對抗不公、用信任與誠意對抗犬儒、用文化對抗狂熱、用醫學對抗疾病與瘟疫、用科學對抗對地球的威脅。

I believe that against ignorance, we have education. Against inequalities, development. Against cynicism, trust and good faith. Against fanaticism, culture. Against disease and epidemics, medicine. Against the threats on the planet, science.

我相信具體的行動，我相信解決方案就在我們手中。

I believe in concrete action. I believe the solutions are in our hands.

我相信個體解放，相信每個人都擁有自由與責任去建立自己的人生、去追求幸福。我相信明智調控下的市場經濟。我們正經歷着目前經濟全球化的正面效應，它帶來了創新，創造了工作崗位。然而，我們也看見了全球資本主義的濫權以及數字領域的混亂，它們正破壞着經濟與民主的穩定。

I believe in the liberation of the individual, and in the freedom and

 responsibility of everyone to build their own lives and pursue happiness.

I believe in the power of intelligently-regulated market economies. We are experiencing the positive impact of our current economic globalization, with innovation, with job creation. We see, however, the abuses of globalized capitalism, and digital disruptions, which jeopardize the stability of our economies and democracies.

我相信，面對這些挑戰，我們所需要的，不是大規模解除管制和極端民族主義。貿易戰不是應對這些變化的正確答案。當然，我們需要自由、公平的貿易。針對盟友的貿易戰與我們的任務、我們的歷史以及我們目前對全球安全的承諾相悖。最終，它會摧毀就業，抬高物價，而中產階級將為此付出代價。

I believe facing these challenges requires the opposite of massive deregulation and extreme nationalism. Commercial war is not the proper answer to these evolutions. We need free and fair trade, for sure. A commercial war opposing allies is not consistent with our mission, with our history, with our current commitments to global security. At the end of the day, it would destroy jobs, increase prices, and the middle class will have to pay for it.

我相信，通過世貿組織的協商，通過建立合作式方案，我們可以找出正確的答案，來應對關於貿易不平衡、大量差額、產能過剩的合理憂慮。是我們寫的這些規則，我們應該遵守它們。

I believe we can build the right answers to legitimate concerns regarding trade imbalances, excesses and overcapacities, by negotiating through the World Trade Organization and building cooperative solutions. We wrote these rules; we should follow them.

我相信，我們可以解決我們的公民關於隱私權與個人數據的擔憂。最近臉書的聽證會顯示出在全世界範圍內維護公民數字權利、保護他們對當下數字化生活工具的信心的必要性。歐盟通過了數據保護的新規定。我相信，美國與歐盟應該共同尋找創新與倫理間的正確平衡，利用好當下數據領域與人工智能的變革。

I believe we can address our citizens’ concerns regarding privacy and personal data. The recent Facebook hearings highlighted the necessity to preserve our citizens’ digital rights, all over the world, and protect their confidence in today’s digital tools of life.

歐盟通過了數據保護的新規定。我相信，美國與歐盟應該共同尋找創新與倫理間的正確平衡，利用好當下數據領域與人工智能的變革。

The European Union passed a new regulation for data protection. I believe the United States and the European Union should cooperate to find the right balance between innovation and ethics, and harness the best of today’s revolutions in digital data and artificial intelligence.

我相信，面對不平等，我們必須促進二十國集團間的政策協調，以減少金融投機、建立保護中產階級利益的機制，因為中產階級是我們民主的中堅力量。

I believe facing inequalities should push us to improve policy coordination within the G20 to reduce financial speculation, and create mechanisms to protect the middle class’s interest, because our middle classes are the backbone of our democracies.

我相信，要為我們的孩子建立一個更好的未來，這要求我們給他們提供一個在25年後仍然適宜居住的星球。

I believe in building a better future for our children, which requires offering them a planet that is still habitable in 25 years.

某些人以為，比起為應對氣候變化這一全球挑戰而進行經濟轉型，保護現有工業及其就業更為緊要。

Some people think that securing current industries - and their jobs - is more urgent than transforming our economies to meet the global challenge of climate change. 

我聽到過這些擔憂，但我們必須向低碳經濟進行平穩過渡。

I hear these concerns, but we must find a smooth transition to a low-carbon economy.

這是因為，如果我們的工作與生活是在破壞地球、犧牲我們孩子的未來，那我們生活的意義在哪裡？如果我們的決定、我們有意識的決定是要減少我們兒孫的機會，那我們生活的意義又在哪裡？污染海洋、不減緩二氧化碳排放、破壞生態多樣化……我們正通過這些行為摧毀我們的星球。讓我們面對這個事實吧——不存在替代星球！

Because what is the meaning of our life, really, if we work and live destroying the planet, while sacrificing the future of our children?

What is the meaning of our life if our decision, our conscious decision, is to reduce the opportunities for our children and grandchildren?

By polluting the oceans, not mitigating CO2 emissions and destroying our biodiversity, we are killing our planet. Let us face it: there is no Planet B.

在這一議題上，美國與法國之間或許會有不同意見，就像在所有家庭里都可能有不同意見一樣。但對我來說，這個分歧是短期的。長久來看，我們將必須面對的是同一個現實。我們都是同一顆星球的居民。

On this issue it may happen we have a disagreement between the United States and France. It may happen, like in all families. But that is, for me, a short-term disagreement. In the long run, we will have to face the same realities. We are citizens of the same planet.

我們必須面對這一切。在一些短期分歧之外，我們必須共同努力，與商業領袖和地方社群合作，以使我們的星球再次偉大，並創造新的就業、新的機會，同時保護好我們的地球。我確信，有朝一日，美國會轉身，重新加入《巴黎協議》。我確信，我們可以共同努力，實現全球契約的環保理想。

We have to face it. Beyond some short-term disagreements, we have to work together.With business leaders and local communities, in order to make our planet great again, and create new jobs and new opportunities, while safeguarding our Earth. And I am sure one day, the United States will come back and join the Paris agreement. And I am sure we can work together to fulfil with you the ambitions of the Global Compact on the environment.

女士們先生們，我相信民主。

Ladies and gentlemen,I believe in democracy.

我們的眾多祖先曾為自由與人權而犧牲。他們贈給了我們偉大的遺產，也賦予了我們責任：我們必須在新世紀繼續他們的使命，保護那些他們交付給我們的恆久價觀值，保證如今這些空前的科技創新可以繼續服務於自由事業、為了我們的後代而服務於對地球的保護。

Many of our forebears were slain for the cause of freedom and human rights. With the great inheritance they gave us comes the responsibility to continue their mission in this new century and to preserve the perennial values handed to us and assure that today’s unprecedented innovations in science and technology remain in the service of liberty and in the preservation of our planet for the next generations.

為了保護我們民主國家，我們必須與不斷擴張的病毒——假新聞作鬥爭。它讓我們的人民面臨非理性的恐懼和想象出的危險。讓我來公平地認定“假新聞”這個詞組的版權吧，特別是在這裡。

To protect our democracies, we have to fight against the ever-growing virus of fake news, which exposes our people to irrational fear and imaginary risks. And let me attribute the fair copyright for this expression “fake news”, especially here.

沒有理性，沒有真相，就沒有真正的民主——因為民主是有關真實選擇和理性決策的。對信息的腐化就是在試圖侵蝕我們民主制度真正的精神。我們還必須打擊在互聯網上傳播狂熱理念的恐怖主義宣傳。它對我們的一些公民和兒童產生了持續的影響。

Without reason, without truth, there is no real democracy -- because democracy is about true choices and rational decisions. The corruption of information is an attempt to corrode the very spirit of our democracies.

我們還必須打擊在互聯網上傳播狂熱理念的恐怖主義宣傳。它對我們的一些公民和兒童產生了持續的影響。我希望這一鬥爭成為我們雙邊承諾的一部分，我和貴國總統就這一議程的重要性進行了討論。我希望這場鬥爭成為七國集團峰會議程的一部分，因為它深深傷害了我們的權利和我們共享的價值觀。

We also have to fight against the terrorist propaganda that spreads out its fanaticism on the Internet. It has a gripping influence on some of our citizens and children. I want this fight to be part of our bilateral commitment, and we discussed with your President the importance of such an agenda.

I want this fight to be part of the G7 agenda because it deeply harms our rights and shared values.

當恐怖主義威脅與核擴散威脅結合起來時，就更加危險了。因此，對試圖擁有核彈的國家，我們必須比以往任何時候都更加嚴苛。這就是為什麼法國完全支持美國努力通過制裁和談判推動平壤走向朝鮮半島無核化。

The terrorist threat is even more dangerous when it is combined with the nuclear proliferation threat. We must therefore be stricter than ever with countries seeking to acquire the nuclear bomb.That is why France supports fully the United States in its efforts to bring Pyongyang, through sanctions and negotiations, towards denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula.

對於伊朗，我們的目標很明確：伊朗永遠不應擁有任何核武器。現在不應有，5 年後不應有，10 年後不應有，永遠不應有。但是這個政策絕不應把我們引向在中東宣戰。

As for Iran, our objective is clear: Iran shall never possess any nuclear weapons. Not now, not in 5 years, not in 10 years. Never.But this policy should never lead us to war in the Middle East. 

我們必須確保穩定，尊重國家主權，包括擁有一個偉大文明的伊朗的主權。

We must ensure stability, and respect sovereignty of the nations, including that one of Iran, which represents a great civilization.

我們不應複製過去在該地區犯下的錯誤。一方面，我們不應天真；另一方面，我們也不應自己去建立新的圍牆。現在有一個稱為聯合全面行動計劃（JCPOA）的框架來控制伊朗的核活動。

Let us not replicate past mistakes in the region. Let us not be naïve on one side. Let us not create new walls ourselves on the other side.

There is an existing framework – called the JCPOA - to control the nuclear activity of Iran. 

在美國的倡議下，我們簽署了這一框架。美國和法國，我們都簽了字。這就是為什麼我們不能就這樣說我們要拋開它。但是，這一協議確實可能無法解決所有關切，非常重要的關切。

We signed it at the initiative of the United States. We signed it, both the United States and France. That is why we cannot say we should get rid of it like that. But it is true to say that this agreement may not address all concerns, very important concerns. 

的確如此。但我們不應該在沒有實質性的、更實質的東西的情況下就拋棄它。這就是我的立場，這就是法國為什麼不會離開聯合全面行動計劃——因為我們簽了字。

This is true. But we should not abandon it without having something substantial, more substantial, instead. That is my position. That is why France will not leave the JCPOA, because we signed it.

貴國總統和貴國將在這幾天、這幾周里在這一問題上做出抉擇。

Your President and your country will have to take, in the current days and weeks, their responsibilities regarding this issue.

我想做的、也是我與貴國總統的共同決定，就是我們將制定一個更加全面的協議來回應有這些關切。這就是為什麼我們必須依照昨天與特朗普總統討論確定的四個支柱來制定這個更加全面的協議：現有協議的核心內容——特別是如果你決定離開協議的話；2025年以後的時期——以確定伊朗永遠不會有任何軍事性核活動；對伊朗政權在該地區的軍事影響力的遏制；以及導彈活動的監視。

What I want to do, and what we decided together with your President, is that we can work on a more comprehensive deal addressing all these concerns. That is why we have to work on this more comprehensive deal based – as discussed with President Trump yesterday – on four pillars: the substance of the existing agreement, especially if you decide to leave it, the post-2025 period, in order to be sure that we will never have any military nuclear activity for Iran, the containment of the military influence of the Iranian regime in the region, and the monitoring of ballistic activity.

我認為，我去年九月曾在聯合國大會上提及的這四個支柱是可以回應美國和我們在該地區盟國的合理擔憂的。我認為，我們現在就必須以這四個支柱為基礎開始工作，以建立這個新的綜合性協議，並確保無論美利堅合眾國未來做出何種決定，我們都不會讓局面陷入無規則的境地。我們不會讓中東局面陷入各方力量的衝突之中，我們不會火上澆油，去加劇緊張態勢、挑動潛在戰爭。

I think these four pillars, the ones I addressed before the General Assembly of the United Nations last September, are the ones which cover the legitimate fears of the United States and our allies in the region.

I think we have to start working now on these four pillars to build this new, comprehensive framework and to be sure that, whatever the decision of the United States will be, we will not leave the floor to the absence of rules.

We will not leave the floor to these conflicts of power in the Middle East, we will not fuel ourselves in increasing tensions and potential war.

這就是我的立場，我認為我們可以攜手為達成新的綜合性協議而共同努力。這是為了整個地區，為了我們的人民，因為我認為它公正地回應了我們的關切。

That is my position, and I think we can work together to build this comprehensive deal for the whole region, for our people, because I think it fairly addresses our concerns. 

我在剛才的支柱之一里提到的遏制措施在也門、黎巴嫩、伊拉克以及敘利亞都是必須的。在統一的、包容的敘利亞建立起可持續的和平，這的確需要這一地區的各方力量都尊重敘利亞人民的主權以及敘利亞族群的多樣性。

And this containment – I mentioned it one of these pillars – Is necessary in Yemen, in Lebanon, in Iraq and also in Syria.Building a sustainable peace in a united and inclusive Syria requires, indeed, that all powers in the region respect the sovereignty of its people, and the diversity of its communities.

在敘利亞，我們正密切合作。兩周前，在巴沙爾·阿薩德政權對居民使用違禁武器後，美國、法國與英國一道採取行動，摧毀了化學武器設施，重建了國際社會的信用。這次行動是這種強大的多邊主義最好的證明之一。

In Syria, we work very closely together. After prohibited weapons were used against the population by the regime of Bashar al-Assad two weeks ago, the United States and France, together with the United Kingdom, acted to destroy chemical facilities and to restore the credibility of the international community.This action was one of the best evidences of this strong multilateralism.

我想對我們的士兵致以特別的敬意，因為在這次行動中，他們在這一地區做得很好。在這次行動之外，我們還將合作推動短期的、在地的人道主義方案，並積極促進持久的政治方案，以終結這場悲劇性的衝突。

And I want to pay a special tribute for our soldiers, because they did a great job in this region and on this occasion.Beyond this action, we will together work for a humanitarian solution in the short term, on the ground, and contribute actively to a lasting political solution to put an end to this tragic conflict.

我認為，我與特朗普總統共同做出的重要決定之一正是將敘利亞納入到為整個地區設計的這個廣泛框架之內；為了敘利亞、為了敘利亞人民，我們還決定要共同推動敘利亞的政治路線圖，即使在打擊伊斯蘭國的戰爭結束之後我們也會繼續。

And I think one of the very important decisions we took together with President Trump was precisely to include Syria in this large framework for the overall region, and to decide to work together on this political roadmap for Syria, for Syrian people, even after our war against ISIS.

在薩赫勒地區，恐怖分子的網絡已擴張到和歐洲一樣大的地盤上，法國和美國士兵們正在迎戰同一個敵人，並共擔生命風險。在此，我希望對去年秋天在這一地區倒下的美國士兵以及今年年初殞命於馬里的他們的法國同袍們致以特別敬意。

In the Sahel, where terrorist networks span a footprint as large as Europe, French and American soldiers are confronting the same enemy and risking their lives together.Here, I would like to pay special tribute to the American soldiers who fell this past fall in the region, and to their French comrades who lost their lives early this year in Mali.

我認為，我們的軍人比任何人都明白我們兩國間的同盟和與友誼意味着什麼。我相信，面對所有這些挑戰、所有這些恐懼、所有這些憤怒，攜手合作、建立這一全新的、強有力的多邊主義，這是我們的責任、我們的使命。

Better than anyone, I think, our troops know what the alliance and friendship between our countries means.I believe, facing all these challenges, all these fears, all this anger, our duty, our destiny is to work together and to build this new, strong multilateralism.

尊敬的國會議員們，女士們，先生們，

Distinguished members of Congress,Ladies and gentlemen,

1960年4月25日，戴高樂將軍曾在這個議會廳說道，對於法國而言，沒有什麼比“偉大的美國人民的理性、決心與友誼”更加重要。

On 25 April 1960, General de Gaulle affirmed in this Chamber that nothing was as important to France as “the reason, the resolution, the friendship of the great people of the United States”.

我在58年後的同一天來到這裡，是為了傳達法蘭西民族最溫暖的感受，是為了告訴你們，我國人民仍一如既往地珍惜與美國人民的友誼。

Fifty-eight years later, to this very day, I come here to convey the warmest feelings of the French nation, and to tell you that our people cherish the friendship of the American people, with as much intensity as ever.

我們相信未來，相信民主，相信那些在高尚的理想與對人類、對進步堅不可摧的信任驅動下的男女可以為這個世界做出的貢獻。美國與美國人民是這種信心的關鍵組成部分。

The United States and the American people are an essential part of our confidence in the future, in democracy, in what women and men can accomplish in this world when we are driven by high ideals and an unbreakable trust in humanity and progress.

今天，我們所聽到的呼喚是來自歷史的呼喚。這是一個屬於決心與勇氣的時代。我們所珍視的正面臨險境，我們所鍾愛的正身處危局。我們別無選擇，唯有勝利。

Today the call we hear is the call of history. This is a time of determination and courage. What we cherish is at stake. What we love is in danger. We have no choice but to prevail.

並肩攜手，我們必將勝利！

And together, we shall prevail.

2018-05-01 不讀平凡書 Emmanuel Macron |文