失控的重慶將讓重慶與偽共都更加聲名狼藉 Disordered Chongqing can only add notoriety on CPC 一段官員和情婦做愛的視頻曝光，本是2012年底的一件小事，卻隨着爆料人不斷地運用輿論的壓力，以及借着薄熙來案的餘音，發展成要掀翻重慶官場的風暴。 The exposure of sex video on an official and his mistress, which might be just a minor issue at the end of 2012, but with the whistleblower's continually using the pressure of public opinion, and the lingering influence of Bo Xilai case, developed into a storm threatening to overturn the officialdom in Chongqing. 這是一段中國的性，謊言和視頻，已經上演了其第一季、第二季、第三季，正在上演其第四季。 This is the series on China's sex, lies and video, with the 1st season, 2nd season and 3rd season already put onto the stage, and now the 4th season is being staged. 第一季：60小時秒殺 The 1st season: 60-hour flash deal 2012年11月20日，一篇名為《雷政富接受性賄賂與少女淫亂》的文章在網上出現，不久，一段十幾秒的不雅視頻現身網絡。雷是重慶市的一名黨的官員。這段視頻是一次性活動的結尾部分，雷在其中只持續了十八秒鐘就達到高潮，被網民嘲笑為“雷十八”。 On November 20, 2012, an article entitled "Lei Zheng Fu accepted sexual bribery of young girl" appeared on internet. Shortly, an indecent video of more than 10 seconds appeared. Lei was an official in Chongqing with CPC membership. The video was the end section of sex scandal, in which Lei lasted only 18 seconds to reach climax, and netizens derided it as "18 seconds Lei". 中國許多官員都有情婦，所以網民並未驚訝。大家猜測，這段視頻可能來自情婦本人，也可能來自雷的政敵。通常情況下，僅僅一段視頻並不能把官員怎麼樣，官員甚至不會承認那是他本人。雷也一樣，他說那不是他。 Many Chinese officials have mistresses, so netizens were not surprised at all. It's speculated that this video might come from the mistress or from the political opponents of Lei. In normal circumstances, only a video can't do much to influence an official, who may even deny that he is the party involved. So goes with Lei, he said that it wasn't him. 這時，視頻的爆料人朱瑞峰現身了。他和他的朋友利用網絡對雷進行不間斷地聲討。在持續指責雷政富的私生活的同時，朱還稱自己遭到了雷的各種威脅，甚至生命威脅。 At this time, the video's provider Zhu Rui Feng appeared. He and his friends used the network to denounce Lei continually. While continually denouncing Lei's private life, Zhu announced that he encountered various threats by Lei, including life-threatening retaliation. 漩渦中的雷政富堅決否認朱的指控，而朱則將問題引向官商勾結等更深入的問題。朱在一次在線訪問中表示，他手中有更完整的視頻，且有雷政富插手工程建設為其弟弟謀利的證據。 Entangled in the whirl, Lei Zheng Fu resolutely denied the allegations by Zhu; while Zhu guided the issues to other deeper problems such as collusion between officials and businessmen. During an on-line interview, Zhu said that he had more complete video in his hand, besides holding evidences that Lei Zheng Fu intervened construction projects in order to make profit for his younger brother. 60多小時後，重慶宣布：視頻是真的，已經對雷立案調查。 More than 60 hours later, Chongqing announced that the video was true and Lei was put under investigation. 由於5天前的11月15日，中國共產黨新一屆政治局常委開啟了中國新一輪政治周期，所以，網民們稱讚了重慶方面的處理，認為其果斷快速，顯示了新的作風。 5 days earlier, on Nov. 15th, a new round of political cycle was launched by the new session of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China. So netizens praised the handling of issues by Chongqing, which was deemed to be rapid and decisive, and showed some new work style. 但事情發展出乎許多人意料，這並非高潮，而只是個開始。 Yet things went out of the expectations of many people. It was not the climax, but just the beginning. 第二季：又倒下10名官員 The 2nd season: 10 officials fell 1月23日，一串指代官員的字母重新將此事引爆。一家報紙稱，和女性發生不正當關係的重慶官員不只雷政富一人，此外還有L、S、P等多名官員——報紙用字母指稱這些官員，但同時點出了他們的職位。 On January 23, a string of letters symbolizing officials made an explosive exposure on the issue once again. One newspaper said that it was not just Lei Zheng Fu involved in improper sex relations with the female, there were other officials marked as L, S, P, etc.. The newspaper used the letter abbreviations to refer to those officials, but at the same time pointed to their job positions as well. 原來，那段18秒視頻並非近日拍攝，它記錄的是雷2008年和一位叫趙紅霞的女孩的性經歷。 It turned out to be that the 18-second video was not shot recently, but a record of sex relations between Lei and a girl named Zhao Hong Xia in 2008. 而這位漂亮的趙紅霞小姐，並非雷的情婦，而是一位“性間諜”。 The pretty Miss Zhao Hong Xia was not Lei's mistress, but was a "sex spy". 風暴的種子在5年前種下。2008年至2009年期間，肖燁，重慶永煌集團董事長，建立了一個“粉紅軍團”。至少有三名漂亮姑娘被肖燁訓練為色情間諜，負責勾引官員和國有企業負責人，同他們發生性關係，並秘密拍攝下來。靠着手中這些不雅視頻，肖燁敲詐了一大批重慶要人，獲得了大量政府項目，公司業績躥升。 The seed of storm was planted 5 years ago. In the period between 2008 and 2009, Xiao Ye, the director of Chongqing Yong Huang Group, built up a "Pink Legion" of females. There were at least 3 pretty girls who were trained by Xiao Ye to be sex spies, responsible to seduce officials and leaders of state-owned enterprises into improper sex relations with them, and secretly filmed. Relying on these indecent videos in hand, Xiao Ye extorted a lot of local dignitaries in Chongqing, obtained a large number of government projects, and the company's business boomed up rapidly. 但這件事並非直到2012年才敗露。 But the matter was not exposed until 2012. 2009年，肖燁敲詐雷時，雷向上級領導坦白了他的錯誤。據說，薄熙來，時任重慶最高官員，勃然大怒。但他沒有按照黨的紀律和國家法律處置雷，而是選擇了秘而不宣，放過了所有涉案官員。敲詐者肖燁本人在交出所有視頻後，僅僅被判了緩刑。 In 2009, when Xiao Ye extorted Lei, Lei confessed to his superior on his fault. It's said that Bo Xilai, the highest official in Chongqing at that time, flew into a rage. But he did not follow the party discipline and state laws to dispose Lei, instead he kept it as secret and let go of all the officials involved. The blackmailer Xiao Ye was only sentenced to probation, after surrendering all the videos. 2010年，雷甚至升了官。 In 2010, Lei even got a promotion of position. 真相揭穿後，記者和網民們心裡充滿了問號：朱從哪裡得來的視頻？此時再掀風浪，朱的目的是什麼？除了雷，其他涉案官員都是誰？ With the truth revealed, journalists and netizens were full of questions, such as, where did Zhu get the videos? What was his purpose that he created storms at such a time. Besides Lei, who were the other officials? 一時間，朱成了媒體追逐的對象。而重慶則焦頭爛額，被迫回溯舊案，一一清理涉案官員。 For a time, Zhu became the object chased after by media; while Chongqing was plunged into a mess of confusion, being forced to backtrack the past cases one by one, to dispose the officials involved. 1月24日晚，重慶宣布：因為涉及不雅視頻，有10名官員和國企高管被免職，並一一列出了這些官員的姓名和頭銜。重慶同時宣布：再次逮捕肖燁。 On the evening of January 24, Chongqing announced that 10 officials and executives of SOEs (state-owned enterprises) were dismissed due to being involved in the indecent video, with their names and titles listed. Chongqing also announced that Xiao Ye was arrested again. 第三季：還有5名官員 The 3rd season: still 5 officials not disclosed 1月27日，朱再發微博稱：手中還有5個視頻未公布，這5個視頻所涉及的官員在重慶身居高位，且並未出現在剛剛被免職的10名官員名單中。朱指責重慶方面免職10名普通官員只是為了掩蓋事實。 On January 27, Zhu made statement on microblog again that there were still 5 videos in hand which were not disclosed yet; the officials involved in these 5 videos occupied high positions, and didn't appear in the list of the 10 officials dismissed. Zhu accused Chongqing government of concealing the truth by dismissing 10 ordinary-rank officials. 當晚，朱又發了一條微博，表示：有幾名重慶警察來到他家門口，要求他跟隨他們去警察局“談一談“。朱迅速將這條微博@給了一些網絡名人，要求這些名人對他的安危給予關注，他表示他怕被重慶警方秘密逮捕。 At the night of the same day, Zhu sent a new message on microblog, it said that there were several Chongqing policemen coming in front of his home, demanding him to go to the police office "to talk something". Zhu rapidly sent this message to some cyber celebrities, asking them to pay close attention to his safety; he expressed his fear of being arrested secretly by Chongqing police. 過了幾個小時，朱安全回來了。據說，重慶警方星夜找他，確實是想要他手中的視頻。因為1月26日是重慶市人民代表大會召開的日子，按照中國法律規定，黨的官員由黨代表大會選舉，行政官員須在人民代表大會上選舉。由於重慶方面並不知道剩下的5名官員是誰，他們非常擔心其中有些人會在這次代表大會上當選較高的職務，從而鬧出政治笑話。所以，他們迫切地希望拿到這些視頻。 A few hours later, Zhu came back safely. It's said that Chongqing police approached him at late night, indeed with the intention to get the videos at his hand. Since Jan 26th was the day that People's Congress started in Chongqing, and according to Chinese law, the party officials should be elected at the party's congress, and government officials should be elected at people's congress. Because Chongqing didn't know who were the other 5 officials, they were much worried that some of them might be elected to high positions at the people's congress, which might cause other political scandals. So they desperately wanted to get these videos. 但朱否認了這個說法。他說，此案2009年重慶警方已經偵破，對於重慶來說已經沒有秘密。重慶警方來找他，只是為了挖出內部的“深喉”。朱說，他手中的視頻是由重慶警方內部人員，通過2009年的肖燁案複製出來，交給他的。如果他把原始視頻提供給警方，警方將通過其中的一些數據，找到這名內部線人，從而給線人帶來不可知的危險。 But Zhu denied this version of claim. He said Chongqing police had cracked the case in 2009, so there'd be no secret for Chongqing; Chongqing police came to him just in order to catch their secret internal informer. Zhu said that the videos in his hand were provided by some internal staff inside Chongqing police, who gave him the resources by making copies of the Xiao Ye case in 2009. If the original videos were given to the police, the internal informer might be disclosed since the police could find it through some of the data, which might cause unpredictable danger to the informant. 總之，朱對新華社記者說：他認為重慶政府對此案的調查不夠徹底， 他希望重慶繼續深入調查，不排除他會繼續公布視頻，促進重慶反腐工作的可能。 In short, Zhu told Xinhua News Agency that he thought the investigation of the case by Chongqing government was not thorough enough; he hoped Chongqing could go on with the in-depth investigation, and didn't rule out the possibility of further disclosing the videos in order to facilitate the anti-corruption efforts in Chongqing. 朱算是把重慶政府弄得更加聲名狼藉了。作為一個普通人，他簡直可以載入歷史了。 Zhu might be counted as a person who made more notorious exposure on Chongqing government. As a common being, he might even be recorded in history.
============================ 中醫復興—中華文明復興的一個環節 東方文明--陰陽平衡之謂道w 民族文化傳承之一 民族文化傳承之二 本草綱目-中醫精華--中華文明的一部分w 中國處於十字路口 China’s modernization hesitates at the crossroad 交流郵箱: waidarcn81@gmail.com;
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