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2018年畢汝諧:中國必將蹈30年前日本的覆轍 2026-02-10 11:00:03

2024年3月2日按:

按:這是2018年4月的一篇舊文。六年過去了。

畢汝諧畢竟是畢汝諧,其遠見卓識已經被世事所印證。

中國必將蹈30年前日本的覆轍           畢汝諧(紐約 作家)

川普咄咄逼人,日甚一日;今日中國會不會蹈30年前日本的覆轍,遂成為熱門話題。

中國大陸壓倒性的看法是列舉今日中國之長比較30年前日本之短;故躊躇滿志,樂觀自大。


筆者反其道而行之,茲列舉30年前日本之長比較今日中國之短;忠言逆耳,不得不凜然直陳。


一,國際大環境



戰後日本系沒有正式軍隊的和平國家,廣結國際善緣。

習近平躁進地拋棄鄧小平韜光養晦、不當頭的英明決策,另起爐灶,過早地暴露與美國平起平坐甚至取而代之的戰略野心,從而引禍上身;當你被森林之王視為王座挑戰者,你的處境便岌岌可危了。

習近平自恃財大氣粗,滿世界秀肌肉、撒厚幣,屢興花錢不討好的蠢事,無視眾所周知的國際準則;國際社會為之側目,天下苦秦久矣,敢怒不敢言而已;而今美國登高一呼,得道多助,列國勢必重新站隊,群起而擊之。


二,矛盾性質

美日相爭系盟友之間分潤的糾紛,美日相爭是文斗,絕無擦槍走火的可能性;而今日中國已被定位為“戰略競爭對手”,中國、俄羅斯與流氓國家、恐怖主義已被並列為美國國家安全包括經濟安全的最大威脅。也就是說,中國已被等同為前蘇聯(至少是准前蘇聯)。

故而,二者的打擊力度不可同日而語。於美國而言,保持蘇聯解體之後一超獨大的地位是無比神聖的國家利益、至高無上的圭皋。



三,社會狀況

日本社會安定,而中國社會不穩定;仇官仇富,蔚為風尚;群體事件,無日無之;當今中國號稱太平盛世,維穩費用高於軍費,古今中外,罕有其匹!


草民不在乎誰當中國總統、誰當中國皇帝;他們只在乎手中的飯碗;當局之所以全力保持經濟增速,緩治環境污染,就是為了保住世界大工廠的飯碗;一旦砸了飯碗;草民立馬就是李自成、張獻忠!

陝西人習近平心知肚明:貿易戰將導致禍起蕭牆;李自成、張獻忠這兩位鄉黨比共產黨更厲害!說白了,李自成、張獻忠就是美國佬亂我中華的第五縱隊!

四,島嶼問題

二戰遺留的北方四島,只是日本的癬疥之疾,無足輕重。

內戰遺留的台灣問題,是中國的七寸,牽一島嶼而動全身;川普先是老實不客氣地稱蔡英文為總統,繼而簽署《台灣旅行法》,提供台灣關鍵的潛艇技術;步步進逼,踩踏紅線;北京由是進退維谷:隱忍則國家尊嚴及領袖威信蕩然,而實施武統將斷送改革開放的成果,兩岸結下不共戴天的血海深仇。

中美在台海、南海都有擦槍走火的可能性。



五,官場生態

日本官場基本清廉(也有例外);中國官場基本腐敗(也有例外);中國官場如同假面舞會;貪官們口頌萬歲,心懷鬼胎;他們恨不得習近平王岐山立馬下台,以便換上一位江澤民、胡錦濤那樣的慈母般的新主席;指望他們與中南海同心同德,實在是痴人說夢。


六,民生物資以及能源

中國固然地大物博,卻也如同日本列島,民生物資以及能源均不能自給自足;須知,全球交通要道、要津,皆在世界警察的虎視之下,一有風吹草動,後果不問可知。


綜上,竊以為今日中國必將蹈30年前日本的覆轍;而且,伸頭一刀,縮頭一刀,伸頭縮頭都不可能改變這一命定的結局。

中國的權貴資本主義畢竟年輕稚嫩,一旦與美帝狹路相逢,猶如李鬼遇李逵,悲夫!





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作者:汝諧畢 留言時間:2026-02-12 16:48:23

Below is a polished, publication-ready English version in a serious opinion-essay style suitable for media commentary.

---

## March 2, 2024 — Author’s Note

This essay was originally written in April 2018.

Six years have passed.

Time, as always, is the most impartial arbiter.

---

# Will China Repeat Japan’s Path of Thirty Years Ago?

**By Bi Ruixie (Writer, New York)**

As **Donald Trump** intensified pressure on China, the question inevitably arose: will China follow the path Japan walked thirty years ago?

The dominant view within mainland China is to highlight China’s present strengths while pointing to Japan’s past weaknesses, drawing the comforting conclusion that history will not repeat itself. Optimism prevails—often shading into complacency.

I take the opposite approach. I compare Japan’s strengths thirty years ago with China’s weaknesses today. Frank words may grate on the ear, but they must nevertheless be spoken.

---

## I. The International Environment

Postwar Japan was a pacifist state without a formal military establishment, committed to international cooperation and broadly integrated into the global order.

By contrast, President **Xi Jinping** departed from **Deng Xiaoping**’s strategic principle of “hide your strength and bide your time.” Instead of maintaining a low profile, Beijing has increasingly projected ambitions of parity with—or even replacement of—the United States. When the “king of the forest” perceives a challenger to the throne, the challenger’s position becomes perilous.

Confident in China’s financial resources, Beijing has embarked on expansive global initiatives, investing heavily abroad and often disregarding established international norms. Such assertiveness has drawn scrutiny and suspicion. Many countries, though cautious in public, harbor unease. Once Washington calls for alignment, others are likely to reassess their positions and recalibrate accordingly.

---

## II. The Nature of the Rivalry

The U.S.–Japan trade frictions of the late twentieth century were disputes within an alliance framework—competition over economic benefits among strategic partners. They were “civil” conflicts, unlikely to escalate into military confrontation.

Today, however, China has been formally designated by the United States as a “strategic competitor.” In American national security discourse, China is grouped alongside Russia and other systemic threats to U.S. interests. The rivalry is structural rather than transactional.

For Washington, preserving its post–Cold War position as the world’s preeminent power remains a core national interest. Strategic competition with China is therefore viewed in existential terms rather than as a mere trade imbalance.

---

## III. Domestic Social Conditions

Japan’s society in the late twentieth century was relatively stable and cohesive. Contemporary China faces more complex internal pressures: widening inequality, public resentment toward officials and wealth concentration, and frequent social unrest beneath the surface.

Although China proclaims an era of prosperity, expenditures on internal stability maintenance reportedly exceed military spending—a phenomenon rare in world history.

Ordinary citizens care less about who holds supreme office than about their livelihoods. Sustained economic growth has been essential to maintaining social stability. Environmental concerns are often addressed gradually so as not to disrupt employment in what has long been known as the “world’s factory.”

Should economic momentum falter significantly, social tensions could intensify. History offers reminders—figures such as Li Zicheng and Zhang Xianzhong symbolize how internal upheaval, once ignited, can overwhelm established authority.

---

## IV. The Taiwan Issue

The Northern Territories dispute between Japan and Russia, a legacy of World War II, has remained peripheral to Japan’s core political stability.

For China, however, Taiwan represents a matter of central strategic sensitivity. Actions taken during the Trump administration—including high-level contact with Taiwan’s leadership and the signing of the Taiwan Travel Act—heightened tensions across the Taiwan Strait.

Beijing faces a difficult calculus: restraint may appear to weaken national resolve, while military action would risk catastrophic consequences, potentially undoing decades of economic integration and reform. Moreover, the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea remain flashpoints where miscalculation could carry serious implications.

---

## V. Political Culture

Japan’s bureaucratic system has historically maintained relatively high standards of administrative integrity, notwithstanding individual scandals.

China has waged an extensive anti-corruption campaign in recent years, reshaping its political landscape. Yet corruption has long been systemic, and political loyalty does not always equate to genuine cohesion. Internal divisions, if they exist, are seldom visible but can complicate unified strategic action.

---

## VI. Resources and Energy

Despite its vast territory, China—like Japan—remains heavily dependent on imported energy and key raw materials. Global sea lanes and strategic chokepoints are largely under the protection of the U.S.-led security architecture. In times of heightened tension, vulnerabilities in supply chains can carry significant strategic weight.

---

## Conclusion

Taken together, these factors suggest that structural parallels with Japan’s experience three decades ago deserve sober reflection.

Japan’s confrontation with the United States in the late twentieth century culminated in economic stagnation after the bursting of its asset bubble. Whether China can avoid a comparable trajectory remains an open question.

History rarely repeats itself in identical form, but it often rhymes. When a rising power collides with an established one, the outcome depends not only on economic scale but on strategic patience, institutional resilience, and domestic cohesion.

The verdict, as always, belongs to time.

---

回復 | 0
作者:白草 留言時間:2026-02-10 15:19:58

說重蹈覆轍的時候,怎麼不提日本是民主政體,中國是專制呢?應該是這個根本性的制度不同導致中日經濟也不同才對吧?

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