石正麗所做的研發，在西方社會是通不過的，因為科學研究在那裡有科學倫理的評判和約束，而厲害國一向黑白顛倒善惡不分，連人的基因都敢編輯，何況是蝙蝠的。

看到五毒所有軍方背景，讓人聯想到生化武器，可是就這麼輕易地給武漢人民使用上了，中共常說的那句話是啥來着：搬起石頭砸了誰的腳。

好，加上解說，就比較容易理解了。

謝謝博主。

President Xi Jinping said on Feb. 5 that China is “confident and capable” of handling the coronavirus Paolo Tre—A3/CONTRASTO/ReduxBY CHARLIE CAMPBELL FEBRUARY 6, 2020

It took eight hours for a doctor to see Wu Chen’s mother after she arrived at the hospital. Eight days later, she was dead.

The doctor was “99% sure” she had contracted the mysterious pneumonia-like illness sweeping China’s central city of Wuhan, Wu says, but he didn’t have the testing kit to prove it. And despite the 64-year-old’s fever and perilously low oxygen levels, there was no bed for her. Wu tried two more hospitals over the next week, but all were overrun. By Jan. 25, her mother was slumped on the tile floor of an emergency room, gasping for air, drifting in and out of consciousness. “We didn’t want to see my mom die on the floor, so we took her home,” says Wu, 30. “She passed the next day.”

Illustration by Edel Rodriguez for TIME

Because she did not want a spell in jail for dissent to compound her grief, Wu asked TIME to refer to her by a pseudonym–a reasonable request and one that carries with it a measure of what each virus death means to the People’s Republic of China. The novel coronavirus known as 2019-nCoV threatens more than the 24,000 people known to be infected as of Feb. 4 or the 492 it has killed. It also looms over the national rejuvenation project of President Xi Jinping and the rigid, top-down rule being tested by all that the disease brings with it, including distrust in a population the government pledged to keep safe. Since China belatedly acknowledged the severity of the outbreak, every organ of the Chinese state has been harnessed to enforce an unprecedented quarantine on 50 million people across 15 cities. China’s government has unleashed a 1 billion yuan ($142 million) war chest to fight the outbreak amid a frenzy of construction work that, among other feats, erected a 1,000-bed hospital in just 10 days. That there was no cot for Wu’s mother may be understandable, given the time it took to comprehend the disease and how quickly it spread. But what to make of a government that cannot abide the grief of a daughter who took her ailing mother home rather than see her die on a hospital floor?

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Transparency is essential to public health. But in China, doctors who reported the reality of the outbreak have been arrested for “spreading rumors.” Officials were pictured pocketing supplies meant for frontline medical staff, who were reduced to cutting up office supplies for makeshift surgical masks. Meanwhile, the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has already started leveraging the crisis for propaganda by lionizing cadres leading containment efforts. “No crisis is too deadly that they can’t take a time-out to promote the party through manipulation of it,” says Scott W. Harold, an East Asia expert at the U.S. policy think tank Rand Corp.

In the fall of 2017, Xi took the podium at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People to claim that China’s version of one-party autocracy offered an option for “countries that want to speed up their development while preserving their independence.” Western democracy was messy and flawed, the argument went. In the years since that speech, China’s hubris has grown, nurtured by the tumultuous U.S. presidency of Donald Trump and the disintegration of the multilateral world order. But the coronavirus crisis threatens to rattle China’s authoritarian apparatus. “A major test of China’s system and capacity for governance” senior party chiefs called it on Feb. 3.

WHO Declares Global Emergency Over CoronavirusWHO Declares Global Emergency Over CoronavirusSharePlay Video

The 2019-nCoV outbreak is infecting some 2,000 people daily in China and has spread to at least 25 countries. The World Health Organization (WHO) declared it a “global health emergency.” And the fear is not limited to health. Global commerce now hinges on China’s $14.55 trillion economy, which in turn is governed by an opaque, authoritarian regime tightly coalesced around one man. Xi, burnished by a resurgent cult of personality, has amassed more power than any Chinese leader since Mao Zedong. He has leveraged Beijing’s economic clout to forward ambitions at home and abroad but also has struggled as no previous leader. “Since Xi came to power, problem after problem have occurred on his watch that he seems unable to effectively manage,” says Jude Blanchette, a China analyst at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies. These include popular unrest in semiautonomous Hong Kong, a disruptive trade war with the U.S. and now an unfolding health crisis.

An empty highway in Wuhan, the city of 11 million where the outbreak began in a market, on Feb. 3 Getty Images

For decades, the sales pitch for China’s single-party rule was the superior performance of its political system when faced with both short-term crises and long-term challenges. It built thousands of miles of high-speed rail and helped drag hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. By 2022, McKinsey predicts 550 million Chinese will be able to call themselves middle class–about 1.5 times the current U.S. population. Still, that benevolent narrative has deteriorated under Xi. Now the coronavirus threatens to undermine further his mission to have China stake out the next century as America did the last.

In 2019, China overtook Soviet Russia as history’s most enduring communist state. The seven-decade longevity of the CCP can be attributed in no small part to abandoning great chunks of Marxist-Leninism; instead of centralized planning and top-down targets, China embraced markets and devolved considerable power to its regions and cities. Local party bosses were encouraged to make bold decisions to boost the local economy, like setting up heavily subsidized means of production.

As a result, China boomed but also became a network of little fiefdoms and power centers, where local bosses vied for influence and corruption flourished. Xi came into power in 2012 convinced rampant graft posed an existential threat to the party. To him, only an ideological renaissance coupled with an anticorruption crusade could save China from going the way of the Soviet Union.

A bland apparatchik by reputation, Xi climbed the career ladder as a provincial bureaucrat, eventually emerging as a compromise candidate for the post of China’s top leader. His lack of a power base led party elders to believe he would remain malleable and easy to control. Global leaders hoped he might push through long-awaited economic and social reforms.

They were wrong. Soon after taking power, Xi announced his “China Dream” of a grand national rejuvenation, later speaking about returning China to “center stage of the world.” Far from embracing Western-style market reforms, Xi calcified state control over the economy and stocked its bureaucracy with flunkies and yes-men. Today party zealotry permeates all of Chinese society. The head of China’s national Film Bureau has ordered movies “must have a clear ideological bottom line and cannot challenge the political system.” China’s journalists have been instructed to follow “Marxist news values.” Artists can only produce works that “serve the people and socialism.” One advertisement for sperm donors required applicants ages 20 to 45 with “excellent ideological qualities” who “love the fatherland,” and are “loyal” to the party’s “mission.” Mao may have had his Little Red Book, but Xi has a personalized app distributed to all 90 million CCP members, with a directory of his speeches and quizzes on his life and political thought.

Evacuees from Wuhan, mostly German nationals, leave Frankfurt’s main airport on Feb. 1 Thomas Lohnes—AFP/Getty Images

His mission is to forge a singular Chinese identity that restores the nation’s ethnic Han majority to a golden age, on the basis of fealty to his party. “Xi Jinping is fundamentally a Han chauvinist with a ‘historic mission’ to make China, Han China, great again,” says Professor Steve Tsang, director of SOAS China Institute at the University of London.

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And he’s willing to go to extreme lengths to do it. In China’s restive Xinjiang province, a systematic campaign of forced internment has transformed the area into a dusty expanse spotted with camps where more than 1 million Uighur Muslims and other ethnic minorities are held extrajudicially, according to the U.N. What began as a campaign to battle radical Islam in the region has mutated into an enormous project of ideological re-education. On the routes where Silk Road caravans once traveled, a sophisticated surveillance apparatus shrouds the wider populace in an AI-powered panopticon, where every action is watched, recorded and judged by algorithm.

Those who fall foul of it are sent to learn the error of their ways. Nurlan Kokeubai, 56, never found out the charges against him. But from August 2017 to April 2018, he was detained in a re-education camp close to the city of Ili, in Xinjiang province. For four hours each morning, Kokeubai says he and his fellow inmates were forced to watch videos of Xi carousing with dignitaries and overseeing military exercises. They were also ordered to memorize Xi’s eponymous “political thought” and documents from the 19th CCP Conference, where Xi removed presidential term limits to enable himself to rule for life. Those that resisted were beaten with sticks or strapped to a metal chair for interrogation. “They weren’t testing our knowledge or loyalty,” Kokeubai told TIME in Almaty, Kazakhstan, to which he has since fled. “They were just filling us with this propaganda.”

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President Trump has kept mum on the Xinjiang camps as he negotiated a provisional agreement in the trade war. But when the coronavirus broke, his Administration did not hold back. “I don’t want to talk about a victory lap over a very unfortunate, very malignant disease,” Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross said in a TV interview on Jan. 30. “The fact is, it does give business yet another thing to consider … I think it will help to accelerate the return of jobs to North America.”

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Forty years after Beijing and Washington normalized relations, the two are diverging rapidly. Under Trump, the U.S. has been disentangling its firms and, yes, supply chains from China’s through taxes, tariffs and punitive investment curbs. Western investors are also cowed by ideological hurdles and looking elsewhere, given China’s market is now sophisticated, saturated and tricky to exploit. Washington has banned Huawei, the world’s biggest telecoms equipment manufacturer, from its key infrastructure and urged allies to do the same. In U.S. universities, Chinese researchers have been purged as academia, wary of espionage, lurches into Sinophobic McCarthyism. The patient optimism that colored the George W. Bush and Obama administrations has largely evaporated.

Travelers in the arrivals halls at New York City-area airports in early February Thomas Prior for TIME

But it’s a mistake to ignore Xi’s own agency in this process. “[Last year] was a landmark in the structural shift of how the United States views its relationship with China,” says Tsang. “But the decoupling wasn’t started by Donald Trump. It was originally prepared by Xi Jinping himself.” Every one of Xi’s signature economic policies has sought to reduce China’s reliance on the U.S. and grow its own empire. His $1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative builds connectivity across Eurasia and Africa. The “Made in China 2025” campaign aims to propel China to the forefront of strategic industries currently dominated by Silicon Valley, such as semiconductors, aerospace, AI and robotics. The Chinese government has even ordered all state departments to remove foreign-made computer equipment within three years.

Xi does not stand alone, though he is surrounded by clients rather than friends. China is now more closely aligned with Russia than at any period since Mao and Nikita Khrushchev fell out in 1956. The Belt and Road Initiative is drawing nations across Asia, Africa, Europe and the Middle East into Beijing’s orbit (and often into its debt). The U.S. may have asked 61 countries to shun Huawei, but only three–Japan, Australia, New Zealand–have acquiesced. The next decade won’t be defined by an iron curtain but two blocs vying for influence within every nation that isn’t firmly in the liberal democratic or autocratic camp. And, for one side, the coronavirus is being sized up as an opportunity. Asked whether import levies on China should be dialed down given the crisis, White House trade adviser Peter Navarro demurred. “Let’s remember why the tariffs are in place,” he said.

Confronting an outbreak requires more than just an ability to throw up hospitals in a few days; it necessitates trust. And from the beginning, China’s public response to the virus has raised questions. Even multinational institutions like WHO are feeling this as the coronavirus worsens. The organization was unable to rule on the severity of 2019-nCoV following its first meeting on Jan. 22, apparently because of resistance from Beijing. (WHO referred to “divergent views.”) Notably, despite WHO’s insisting that travel bans to China would not be necessary, a dozen nations introduced stringent restrictions, including the U.S., Australia and North Korea. If you believe China’s official figures, 2019-nCoV has a fatality rate of just 2%–about the same as regular influenza and a far cry from the 50% of Ebola or the 10% of SARS. Why then, observers might well ask, has China placed entire cities in lockdown, quarantined tens of millions and mobilized troops?

Here is the downside of Xi’s system of top-down control; nobody acted until they got word from the top, and then everyone wildly overreacted in order to satisfy the leader. This was evident in Wuhan, the capital of Hubei province, where the outbreak began, and the official response lurched from cover-up to overreaction only after Xi addressed the crisis. “The full CCP apparatus didn’t kick into gear to address the coronavirus until Xi had weighed in on the matter,” says Blanchette. Notably, the President himself has kept a low profile since the outbreak began and was not seen in public for eight days after the Lunar New Year.

A medical worker disinfects a hotel converted into a quarantine zone in Wuhan, on Feb. 3 AFP/GETTY IMAGES

Now, throughout China, fear is mixing with inchoate rage. In Hubei province, people from Wuhan are ostracized. But in other provinces, people from anywhere in Hubei are shunned. Videos circulating on social media show vigilantes tooling up to protect their villages. In one video, a man in a dark jacket and wide-brimmed hat guards a bridge with a pistol. In another, a man in an orange puffer jacket sits on a table at the entrance to his village, brandishing an enormous sword. All have signs nearby with a common theme: outsiders cannot pass.

Even in Beijing, apartment building guards are checking the IDs of everyone who enters and banning those from Hubei–rent-paying tenants included. Videos emerge of Hubei residents scuffling with gas station staff who refuse them service. Sometimes mass brawls erupt when a Hubei resident tries to force himself past an improvised roadblock. “Don’t blame us for being rude if you are from Wuhan and you don’t self-quarantine,” wrote one poster on China’s Twitter-like microblog Weibo. “You should just shoot them because they are killing us!” wrote another.

The ideological revival behind Xi’s “China Dream” may have rendered the political system more decisive but also more prone to error. Under Mao, local officials were also hesitant to act until they had clear signals from the top. Rather than assess issues through a purely governance lens, China’s bureaucracy is forced to balance both technocratic and political concerns. Meanwhile nativist vigilantism spreads almost as fast as the virus.

Some questions–whether the virus becomes a pandemic (or reaches epidemic levels on two continents), how many people it infects and how many lives it takes–remain shrouded in uncertainty. But the crisis has already demonstrated that the centralization of political power under Xi has made Chinese society brittle. The question now is what it will endure before it begins to crack.

Wu’s mother was cremated the evening she died. A battered container truck arrived at 9 p.m. and packed her body in with countless others. Instead of 2019-nCoV, her death certificate simply reads “viral pneumonia.” Wu signed a permission slip for the cremation but was told her mother’s ashes won’t be released until the crisis has abated. “They say that there are more than 300 dead now,” says Wu, “but I think there are many more.” Distrust, it turns out, is infectious too.

–With reporting by AMY GUNIA/ HONG KONG

This appears in the February 17, 2020 issue of TIME.

編者按：本文來自微信公眾號網易科技（ID：tech_163），作者 靜靜，36氪經授權發布。

“新型冠狀病毒是不是人造的？”“新型冠狀病毒是不是實驗室流出去的？”最近幾天，社交媒體上各種討論，把質疑指向武漢病毒所，中科院進行了闢謠。根據財新報道，國內外專家學者認為，新冠病毒不可能是人造的、基因工程的產物。

這些爭論把“武漢病毒所”推向了輿論的中心。武漢病毒所擁有中國大陸第一家 P4 實驗室。

神秘的“P4 實驗室”在多數國家幾乎都是個位數存在，被認為是病毒研究領域的“航空母艦”，其研究的對象是目前沒有預防和治療方法的病毒，這也讓它們被稱為是“魔鬼實驗室”。美國大片中所呈現的地球的生化危機，多源於生化研究所。

▲武漢病毒所

實際上，“P4 實驗室”不是一個名稱，而是一個生物安全實驗室的等級，P4 實驗室指的是生物安全等級四級實驗室。

目前，P4 實驗室是人類所擁有生物安全等級最高的實驗室，也是專用於烈性傳染病研究的大型裝置，比如埃博拉病毒、天花和此次爆發的新型冠狀病毒，一般都是在這種級別的實驗室里進行研究。

P4 不僅安全等級最高，造價和費用消耗也極大，這限制了很多國家的研究和建造。據不完全統計，全球擁有超過 50 家 P4 實驗室，除中國之外，分布在法國、加拿大、日本、德國、澳大利亞、美國、英國、加蓬（法國巴斯德所）、瑞典和南非等國家和地區。

武漢病毒研究所旗下的“中國科學院武漢國家生物安全實驗室”，是中國第一家 P4 實驗室，簡稱“武漢 P4 實驗室”。

那麼什麼是“P4 實驗室”呢？為何是“4”不是其他數字呢？

其實，生物安全實驗室是有等級劃分的，按照研究對象的危險程度分為四類：BSL-1、BSL-2、BSL-3、BSL-4。BSL是指 Biosafety Level，即生物安全等級，等級越高，意味着防護級別越強，就能研究具有更大傳染性和危害性的病原。不同級別的實驗室需要不同級別的保護，根據各級實驗室的安全設備和個體防護注意事項又分為 P1、P2、P3、P4（P 代表英文 protection，防衛和防護的意思）。

資料顯示，一級實驗室（P1實驗室），一般適用於對健康成年人無致病作用的微生物，這一級別的實驗室適合於比較熟悉的病源，這些病原體不會經常引發健康成人疾病，對於實驗人員和環境潛在危險很小。這一級別的生物實驗室，基本不需要特別的安全設施，一般按照高中學習的標準微生物操作進行試驗就沒問題。

二級實驗室（P2實驗室），則適用於對人和環境有中等潛在危害的微生物，實驗室人員均需要接受過病源處理方面的特殊培訓，並由有資格的科學工作者指導。

三級實驗室（P3實驗室），適用於主要通過呼吸途徑使人傳染上嚴重的甚至是致死疾病的致病微生物或其毒素。在此安全標準下實驗的病毒若因為暴露而吸入，會引發嚴重的、可能致死的疾病，但是面對此類型的病原，人類仍有治癒方法。

四級實驗室，即我們經常聽到的“P4實驗室”，則是研究對人體具有高度的危險性，通過氣溶膠途徑傳播或傳播途徑不明、目前尚無有效疫苗或治療方法的致病微生物或其毒素。

“P4實驗室”是目前人類所擁有生物安全等級最高的實驗室，也是專用於烈性傳染病研究的大型裝置，比如埃博拉病毒、天花和此次爆發的新型冠狀病毒，一般都是在這種級別的實驗室里進行研究的。從外星帶回來的物品，也需要在P4實驗室研究。

所以，“P4實驗室”被稱為病毒學研究領域的“航空母艦”。而由於“P4實驗室”研究的傳染性微生物都是無預防和治療方法的病毒，也有人將“P4實驗室”稱為“魔鬼實驗室”。

“P4 實驗室”在安全等級方面有極高極高極高的特殊要求。工作人員在 P4 實驗室，類似宇航員在太空艙里。

根據百度百科的介紹，各個國家“P4 實驗室”設計不盡相同。典型的“P4 實驗室”由更衣區、過濾區、緩衝區、消毒區、核心區組成。此外，在實驗室的四周裝有高效空氣過濾器。

到達實驗室的核心區，總共有 10 道門。沒錯！你沒看錯，是十道門！而且，最裡面的7道門是互鎖的，如果一道門沒有關好，另一道門肯定打不開，這樣避免空氣的流通。

更衣區依次為外更衣室、淋浴室和內更衣室。消毒區為化學淋浴室，工作人員離開主實驗室時首先經過化學淋浴消毒正壓防護服表面。核心區任何相鄰的門之間都有自動連鎖裝置，防止兩個相鄰的門被同時打開。對於不能從更衣室攜帶進出主實驗室的材料、物品和器材，應在主實驗室牆上設置具有雙門結構的高壓滅菌鍋、浸泡消毒槽、熏蒸室或帶有消毒裝置的通風傳遞窗，以便進行傳遞或消毒。

在核心區里配有生物安全櫃、超低溫冰箱、離心機、電熱細胞培養櫃、顯微鏡和實驗台、小型動物實驗室等。生物安全櫃頂上有一個直徑 0.5 米左右的粗管子，直接通到房頂，它也是負壓狀態的，一些主要的操作都需要在生物安全櫃中進行。

從 P4 實驗室拿出的相關的物品必須通過高壓滅菌鍋消毒後，再用潔淨袋充分包裝，然後通過傳遞窗傳到準備間。

離開 P4 時，核心區的工作人員要相互把全身從上到下消毒一遍才能走到緩衝間，在緩衝間除去外層防護服、口罩、外層手套，然後將這些放入滅菌容器或消毒袋內。

關閉實驗室門之後，再取下防護眼鏡，將其放入傳遞窗進行消毒。然後，工作人員經過另外一個緩衝間，退到準備間。

在這裡，他們才可以取下身上所有的防護器具，立即在沐浴室洗澡，之後才可離開實驗室。

P4 實驗室有嚴格、複雜的管理程序，為了保證BSL-4實驗室的絕對安全，只有得到批准和持有磁卡通行證的人才能進入，有的通過指紋門禁系統進入，而且所有出入的人員都由電腦記錄在案。

“P4 實驗室”必須要有嚴格安全流程，因為實驗室里的病原體一旦泄露，將造成大範圍的傳染病甚至被恐怖分子用作生化武器，好萊塢拍攝的生化危機大片將會上演。

據了解，日本的第一個 BSL-4 實驗室建於 1981 年，但建成後一直操作的是低風險病原體，直到 2015 年安全問題才得到解決。

目前除中國之外，全球公開擁有“P4 實驗室”的有法國、加拿大、日本、德國、澳大利亞、美國、英國、加蓬（法國巴斯德所）、瑞典和南非等國家。據不完全統計，目前，全球有超過 50 家“P4 實驗室”。（▷具體圖見文末：全球主要P4實驗室）

全球具有代表性的“P4”實驗室主要有以下幾個。

這是歐洲第一個“P4 實驗室”，也是世界上最先進的生物安全實驗室。它於 1999 年 3 月竣工並投入運行。該實驗室採用“盒子中的盒子”設計，（武漢病毒研究所即借鑑的該設計）。

該實驗室外層由鋼筋和玻璃構成，內層是負壓的密封空間。BSL-4 核心區面積為 1000 平方米，分為三層：上層技術區、下層技術區、BSL-4工作區和安全通道區。BSL-4 工作區為兩個面積為 60～70 平方米、相互獨立的實驗室和一個獨立的動物實驗室構成。

主要從事烈性病毒的檢測、診斷、致病機理和疫苗研究，研究的主要有埃博拉病毒、拉薩熱病毒、馬耳堡病毒、登革熱病毒和出血病毒等。

1981年在東京都的武藏村山市建立了BSL-4設施，但是一直作為BSL-3實驗室運作。

鑑於埃博拉疫情的需要，該設施於2016年申請作為BSL-4實驗室運行。

長崎大學計劃在2020年左右建成一座規模較大的BSL-4實驗室。

此外，柏林的羅伯特·科赫研究所（RKI）也正在新建一個 BSL-4 實驗室。其科學家對各種病原體的分子性質和傳播模式進行研究，不僅包括細菌和病毒，還包括像 BSE（瘋牛病）病原體的真菌，寄生蟲和朊病毒。

成立於 1976 年，後來在其基礎上改建而成國立傳染病研究所（NICD），並於 2002 年 4 月在約翰內斯堡建成一個BSL-4級的實驗室。

這裡主要研究HIV病毒的行為以及病毒與宿主的關係，同時還從事埃博拉病毒、出血熱病毒、馬耳堡病毒、裂谷熱病毒、拉薩熱病毒和其他呼吸道病毒研究。

一共有四個，其中一個在馬里蘭州德特里克堡的美國陸軍傳染病醫學研究所（USAMRIID）內，從事細菌病原學、病毒學及診斷與醫學方面的研究。還有一個BSL-4實驗室隸屬於總部位於佐治亞州亞特蘭大的美國疾病預防控制中心（CDC），是世界上最後的天花病毒兩個保存地之一。

位於蒙大拿州的隸屬於國家感染性疾病研究所的洛基山實驗室也在新建一個700平方米的BSL-4實驗室。

位於維多利亞州的吉朗，能夠從事感染性疾病的基礎性研究和其他複雜的生物學研究。

維多利亞州北墨爾本的維多利亞傳染病研究所下屬的國家高安全性實驗室主要開展病毒學、微生物學、流行病學和分子生物學研究，重點研究脊髓灰質炎病毒和結核分支桿菌。除一個標準的BSL-4實驗室外，還有兩個BSL-3實驗室。

位於曼尼托巴省溫尼伯的加拿大人畜健康科學中心，包括一個BSL-4和多個BSL-3、BSL-2實驗室。其BSL-4實驗室於1982年開始設計建設，2000年3月投入運行。研究方向有埃博拉病毒、馬耳堡病毒和拉薩熱病毒等。

中國大陸有兩個 P4 級別的生物安全實驗室：中國科學院武漢國家生物安全實驗室和位於哈爾濱的國家動物疫病防控高級別生物安全實驗室。

在 2003 年 SARS 爆發之後，中科院就決定啟動 P4 實驗室建設。武漢 P4 實驗室 2005 年獲國家發展和改革委員會批准立項，成為中法兩國在人口健康、衛生和科技領域最重要的合作項目之一。

該實驗室引進了法國里昂 P4 實驗室技術和裝備，建設內容包括細胞水平生物安全四級實驗室在內的烈性病原試驗設施、新生疾病研究設施以及烈性疾病病原保藏設施（即包括 BSL-4、BSL-3 以及 BSL-2、普通實驗室和動物飼養室等輔助性設施及相關配套設施）。

2018 年 11 月 27 日，武漢 P4 實驗室建設項目通過驗收，成為我國首個 P4 等級生物安全實驗室。

▲武漢國家生物安全實驗室官方圖片

根據湖北日報記者實地探訪介紹，驗室的設計採用類似法國里昂 P4 實驗室“盒中盒”(boxinbox)的理念，負責實驗室施工建設的工程部技術人員向記者介紹，整個 P4 實驗室為懸掛式結構，共分 4 層。

從下至上，底層是污水處理和生命維持系統；二層是核心實驗室；二層和三層間的夾層是管道系統；三層是過濾器系統；最上層是空調系統。所有空氣將經過兩級高效過濾器處理後進行排放，固體污染物要經過高壓滅菌鍋處理，液體污染物要經過污水處理設備處理，以保證徹底殺滅病原，確保實驗室里的病原不會泄露。

“盒子”內部是 300 多平米的二樓核心實驗室區域，整個二層大致分為 3 個細胞實驗室、2 個動物實驗室、1 個動物解剖室、消毒室等。

實驗室實驗裝置安全運行穩定，在運行期間經受了武漢極端冷、熱環境檢驗，供熱與供冷系統均是一用一備，在零下 10℃ 到連續 40℃ 高溫的環境中，均能實現穩定的供冷供熱。

據媒體介紹，人員進入實驗室需要耗費大概 15 到 20 分鐘時間。

▲工作人員P4實驗室的防護

武漢國家生物安全實驗室官網介紹，該實驗室研究員有袁志明、石正麗、宋冬林；副研究員：鄭大勝、黃弋；高級工程師：吳佳、童驍；高級實驗師張化俊。

▲武漢 P4 實驗室組織架構圖

另外一個，位於哈爾濱的國家動物疫病防控高級別生物安全實驗室是全球已建成的 4 個大動物生物安全四級設施之一。該實驗室 2004 年立項，2012 年完成施工設計並開工建設，2015 年 12 月建成並通過工程驗收，2018 年 7 月獲得中國合格評定國家認可委員會（CNAS）認可。

該實驗室可開展包括馬、牛、羊、豬、禽類及鼠、猴等常規實驗動物在內的所有動物感染試驗。實驗室依託單位為中國農業科學院哈爾濱獸醫研究所。

根據媒體報道，該實驗室是我國第一個完全自主設計、建設和管理運行的生物安全四級實驗室。但該實驗室向外披露的信息不多。