Last week, an 89-year-old man named Alexandru Visinescu appeared before a court in Bucharest, Romania, to face charges of crimes against humanity. The alleged crimes date back to between 1956 and 1963, when Visinescu served as commandant of the Ramnicu Sarat prison—a notoriously brutal apparatus of the Romanian Communist state. On Wednesday, the frail old man hardly looked the part; he sat quietly in the courtroom, wearing a hat and a three-piece blue suit.
In Bucharest, the event is already being hailed as a “Romanian Nuremberg”—for it marks the first trial of its kind against a former leader of the Communist state’s prison system. “This trial is particularly important, because for the first time an instrument of Communist terror will face justice,” said investigator Radu Preda.
Historians estimate that some 617,000 Romanians were locked up by Communist authorities between 1947 and 1989; about one in five died behind bars. Ramnicu Sarat was known as “the prison of silence” because detainees—many of them famed intellectuals, dissidents and priests—were held in solitary confinement and not permitted to speak.
Prosecutors accuse Visinescu of “submit[ting] the political detainees to conditions designed to destroy them . . . a slow and effective process during which they were mentally and physically tortured.” Nicoleta Eremia, the widow of a former Ramnicu Sarat prisoner who is seeking $140,000 in financial damages, says that her husband was imprisoned for three years for writing a satirical book that criticized Communist leaders, and that he left prison barely able to walk, after being forced to stand in ice water for hours on end. Visinescu denies these charges.
The trial was a long time in coming. A quarter-century ago, on Christmas Day, Romania’s long-serving dictator Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife were shot by a firing squad following a slap-dash summary trial. With this, the last of the Warsaw Pact dictators to be overthrown in 1989 met his fate. Days earlier, amidst mounting anti-regime protest, Ceausescu had addressed thousands of Romanian workers from the balcony of the Central Committee building. The now-infamous speech—and the startled face of the dictator when the jeering crowds turned against him—was captured on video and became a symbol of Communist Europe’s demise.
Since then, Romania has had difficulty facing up to its past. Very few Romanian Communist leaders faced trial. Indeed, many officials who served under Ceausescu went on to assume new positions of power in the ’90s. Adrian Cioroianu, dean of history at the University of Bucharest, thinks his country’s reticence is rooted in the way Romanian history was written after 1989: “Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu were used as scapegoats for all the layers of the party.”
In recent years, the sticky legacy of the Securitate—Ceausescu’s omnipotent secret police service—has come to bear on Bucharest. Historians estimate that by the ’80s, about one in 30 Romanians worked as Securitate informers. In 1999, the first Securitate archives—over two million surveillance files, occupying miles of shelf space—were opened up to those who had been targets of state spying. In 2007, the files were turned over to an independent National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives, which is now scouring the collection for incriminating evidence, and investigating sitting officials for signs of Securitate collaboration.
In 2006, Romania made its first moves toward prosecuting former Communist officials. That year, the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and Memory of the Romanian Exile (IICCMRE) was founded in Bucharest and began researching historical crimes, in some instances by exhuming old graves. Last year, the IICCMRE approached state prosecutors with a list of 35 former officials, reportedly ranging in age from 81 to 99. Visinescu’s trial (which has been adjourned until late October) will be the first, but almost surely not the last. “In principle, I do not approve of a ‘witch hunt,’ ” says IICCMRE’s Preda. But “evil has a face. Without actual trials, with actual people, we risk transforming Communism into a natural phenomenon.”
上周，一名名叫Alexandru Visinescu的89岁男子出现在罗马尼亚布
加勒斯特的一家法院面前，面对危害人类罪。所谓的罪行可以追溯到
1956年至1963年，当时Visinescu担任Ramniku Sarat监狱的指挥官
- 这是罗马尼亚共产主义国家一个臭名昭着的野蛮机构。周三，这位
体弱多病的老人几乎看不到那部分;他安静地坐在法庭上，戴着一顶
帽子和一件三件套蓝色西装。
在布加勒斯特，这一事件已被誉为“罗马尼亚纽伦堡”，因为它标志
着对共产主义国家监狱系统的前领导人的首次审判。调查人员拉杜普
雷达说：“这次审判特别重要，因为共产主义恐怖手段将首次面临司
法问题。”
历史学家估计，1947年至1989年期间共有约61.17万罗马尼亚人被共
产党当局封锁;大约五分之一的人死在了监狱里面。拉姆尼库萨拉特
被称为“沉默的监狱”，因为被拘留者 - 其中许多着名的知识分子，
异见人士和牧师 - 都被单独监禁，不允许发言。
检察官指控Visinescu“将政治被拘留者提交给旨在摧毁他们的条件。
一个缓慢而有效的过程，在这个过程中，他们受到精神和身体上的折
磨。“前Ramnicu Sarat囚犯的寡妇Nicoleta Eremia正在寻求
140,000美元的经济损失赔偿金，她说她的丈夫因为写了一本讽刺漫
画书而被囚三年共产党领导人，并且他被迫在冰水中坚持了几个小时
后，几乎无法走路。 Visinescu否认这些收费。
审判已经很长时间了。二十五年前的圣诞节当天，罗马尼亚长期服
役的独裁者尼古拉齐奥塞斯库和他的妻子在一次巴士短暂的总结审
判后被行刑队击毙。由此，1989年推翻的华沙条约独裁者最后一次
遇到了他的命运。几天前，在反政权抗议日益增多的情况下，齐奥
塞斯库从中央委员会大楼的阳台向成千上万的罗马尼亚工人讲话。
现在这个臭名昭着的讲话以及当嘲笑人群转向他时独裁者惊讶的表
情被视频录制下来，并成为共产主义欧洲灭亡的象征。
此后，罗马尼亚难以面对过去。很少罗马尼亚共产党领导人面临审
判。事实上，许多在齐奥塞斯库任职的官员继续担任90年代的新职
位。布加勒斯特大学历史系主任阿德里安·克罗奥安努认为，该国
的沉默植根于1989年之后罗马尼亚历史的写作方式：“尼古拉和埃
琳娜齐奥塞斯库被当作党的所有阶层的替罪羊。”
近年来，Securitate-Ceausescu的全能秘密警察服务的粘性遗产已
经对布加勒斯特产生了影响。历史学家估计，到了80年代，约有三
分之一的罗马尼亚人担任安全告密者。 1999年，第一个Securitate
档案 - 超过200万个监视文件，占用数英里的货架空间 - 向那些成
为国家间谍活动目标的人开放。 2007年，这些档案被移交给独立的
国家档案库研究委员会，该委员会现在正在搜集有关证据的证据，
并且调查了就职官员是否存在证据合作的迹象。
2006年，罗马尼亚首次采取行动起诉前共产党官员。那一年，罗马
尼亚流亡共产主义犯罪和记忆调查研究所（IICCMRE）在布加勒斯
特成立，并开始研究历史犯罪，有时是通过挖掘老坟来研究历史犯
罪。去年，IICCMRE向各州检察官提供了一份35名前任官员的名单，
据报其年龄从81岁到99岁。Visinescu的审判（已延期至10月下旬）
将是第一次，但几乎肯定不是最后一次。 “原则上，我不赞成'寻
找女巫'，”IICCMRE的Preda说。但“邪恶有一张脸。如果没有实
际的试验，对于实际的人，我们有可能将共产主义转化为自然现象。
附在案件上的“罗马尼亚纽伦堡”标题并不完全适合。毕竟，纽伦
堡的审判直接追随第二次世界大战，并在国际法庭上将纳粹最高级
别的人物集体绳之以法。但是这些程序确实类似于正在进行的纳粹
老化官员的试验，无论是语言还是语调。在这两起案件中，被控罪
行的严重性质与被指控实施罪行的枯萎老人形成了惊人的对比。被
告人的请求也从同一本书中借用; Visinescu认为他只有“遵守我的
上级命令”才有罪。
今天，只有一名Ramnicu萨拉特监狱的前囚犯幸免于难，将他的前囚
徒绳之以法。瓦伦丁·克里斯蒂亚说，他于1956年被监禁，向反共
抵抗运动“泄露国家机密”。据说他在监狱里度过了七年。最近
Cristea告诉记者，他认为Visinescu的审判是一个重要的里程碑 -
但他不忍看它。
Former communist warden Alexandru
Visinescu sentenced to 20 years in
prison, sentence not final
By nineoclock - July 24, 20150315 views
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The former warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary Alexandru Visinescu on Friday was sentenced to 20 years in jail by the Bucharest Court of Appeal for inhuman treatment.
The court also ordered Visinescu’s demotion in military rank.
According to Agerpres, he was also ordered to pay, jointly with the Public Finance Ministry, the Interior Ministry and the National Penitentiary Authority damages worth 300,000 euros to three survivors of the Ramnicu Valcea jail victims: Nicoleta Eremia – 50,000 euros; Elena Iacob – 100,000 euros and Anca Cernea – 150,000 euro.
Moreover, he will have to pay court fees of RON 25,000.
The court also ordered a lien to be maintained on a building owned by Visinescu and shares in financial investment companies (SIFs) owned by him.
The sentence is not final.
At the last hearing of the trial on July 14, a prosecutor of the General Prosecution Service asked for Visinescu’s sentencing to 25 years in prison and his demotion in military rank.
Also then, the session prosecutor argued that the life sentence should apply to Visinescu, but since he is older than 65 years, the maximum sentence in the criminal legislation is 25 years.
Alexandru Visinescu, a former warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary, on June 18, 2014, was sent to court by the Prosecution Service with the Supreme Court of Justice and Cassation on counts of crime against humanity in relation with abuses of political prisoners.
The prosecutors argued that in 1956-1963 Visinescu, in his capacity as warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary, perpetrated systematic actions and inactions that resulted in the persecution of the community of political prisoners incarcerated in the penitentiary by denying them fundamental human rights or serious restrictions of the exercise of such rights on political grounds.
The prisoners were allegedly subjected to living conditions and treatment meant for their physical destruction, without having been provided a modicum of medicines or adequate medical care.
At the same time, not treating ill prisoners, refusal to transfer them to penitentiary hospitals, the prisoners’ failing state of health for the lack of food, and heat, discretionary and abusive punishment, inhuman detention, ill treatment, battering and other forms of violence, ignoring the petitions and complaints of the prisoners were actions which were aimed to lead to the physical extermination of the jailed persons.
前共产主义监狱长亚历山德鲁Visinescu判处20年徒刑，判决不是最终
九点 - 九五年七月二十四日，意见 在Twitter上分享Facebook上的
推文
上周五，Ramnicu Sarat监狱Alexandru Visinescu的前任监狱长被
布加勒斯特上诉法院判处20年徒刑，判处其不人道待遇。
法院还命令Visinescu的军衔降级。
据Agerpres称，他还被要求与公共财政部，内政部和国家监狱管理
局共同赔偿价值300,000欧元的三名Ramnicu Valcea监狱受害者的
幸存者：Nicoleta Eremia - 50,000欧元; Elena Iacob - 100,000
Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste
din Romānia
(Bucureşti, 18 decembrie 2006)
Domnilor Preşedinţi ai Camerelor,
Domnule Prim Ministru,
Onoraţi membri ai Parlamentului Romāniei,
Distinşi invitaţi,
Dragi compatrioţi.
Ne īntrunim astăzi pentru a īnchide, cu deplină responsabilitate, un capitol sumbru din trecutul ţării noastre. Am citit cu mare atenţie Raportul Final al Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romānia. Am găsit īn acest document raţiunile pentru care pot condamna regimul comunist. Pentru cetăţenii Romāniei, comunismul a fost un regim impus de un grup politic autodesemnat ca deţinător al adevărului, un regim totalitar născut prin violenţă şi īncheiat tot prin violenţă. A fost un regim de opresiune, care a expropriat poporul romān de cinci decenii de istorie modernă, care a călcat īn picioare legea şi a obligat cetăţenii să trăiască īn minciună şi frică.
Comisia Prezidenţială a fost īnfiinţată īn aprilie 2006, ca un răspuns la cererile societăţii de asumare şi condamnare a trecutului totalitar. Am considerat necesară constituirea Comisiei tocmai pentru a fundamenta intelectual şi moral actul de condamnare. Nu am dorit o simplă repudiere formală a trecutului comunist, la nivelul unor declaraţii de complezenţă. O asemenea condamnare ar fi fost neconvingătoare. Am cerut Comisiei o analiză riguroasă a componentelor sistemului totalitar, a principalelor instituţii care au facut posibilă această tragedie, precum şi a personalităţilor implicate decisiv īn sistem. Avem nevoie de o analiză aprofundată a sistemului comunist din Romānia. Comisia a făcut acest lucru, īn peste 600 de pagini, lucru pentru care īi mulţumesc. Este nevoie īn continuare de analize pertinente cu privire la aparatul de partid şi la structurile şi metodele Securităţii. Trebuie să avem o radiografie clară a ceea ce s-a petrecut īn domeniul economic, unde o industrializare aberantă şi o economie de comandă au produs consecinţe īncă vizibile. Trebuie să avem cāt mai multe detalii privind colectivizarea agriculturii, strămutările forţate, prigoana īmpotriva celor care au rezistat, distrugerea elitelor şi a sistemului educaţional tradiţional, hărţuirea cultelor şi arestările de personalităţi religioase.
SPEECH
the President of Romania, Traian Băsescu,
occasioned by the Presentation of the Report
Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist
Dictatorship in Romania
( Bucharest, December 18, 2006 )
Presidents of the Chambers,
Prime Minister,
Honorable members of the Romanian Parliament,
Distinguished guests,
Dear compatriots.
We meet today to close with complete responsibility a grim chapter in our country's past. I read with great care the Final Report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist Dictatorship in Romania. I found in this document the reasons why I can condemn the communist regime. For the citizens of Romania, communism was a regime imposed by a political group self-described as the holder of truth, a totalitarian regime born through violence and ending in violence as well. It was a regime of oppression, which expropriated the Romanian people of five decades of modern history, which trampled the law and forced the citizens to live in lies and fear.
The Presidential Commission was set up in April 2006 as a response to the demands of the society to assume and condemn the totalitarian past. We considered it necessary to set up the Commission just to intellectually and morally ground the act of condemnation. We did not want a simple formal repudiation of the Communist past, at the level of statements of convenience. Such a conviction would have been unconvincing. I asked the Commission for a rigorous analysis of the components of the totalitarian system, the main institutions that made this tragedy possible, as well as the personalities involved decisively in the system. We need a thorough analysis of the communist system in Romania. The Commission has done this in over 600 pages, for which I thank. Further pertinent analyzes are needed regarding the party apparatus and the structures and methods of the Securitate. We need to have a clear radiograph of what has happened in the economic field, where aberrant industrialization and command economy have produced far-reaching consequences. We need to have as much detail as possible on the collectivization of agriculture, forced displacement, persecution against those who have resisted, the destruction of elites and the traditional educational system, harassment of cults and arrests of religious personalities.
We have the necessary data to condemn the Communist regime in Romania without a right of appeal. A democracy without memory is one in serious suffering. We must not forget to avoid the errors of the past.
The conclusions of the Commission, which I assume, state that the totalitarian communist system in Romania was imposed by foreign dictatorship. Indeed, it was an illegitimate regime, based on a fanatical ideology, an ideology of the systematic cultivation of hatred, for which class struggle? and the dictatorship of the proletariat? symbolized the essence of historical progress. Imported from the USSR, the communist ideology justified the attack on civil society, political and economic pluralism, the destruction of democratic parties, the destruction of the free market, extermination by assassination, deportations, forced labor, imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people. Behind the mask of socialist humanism? the deepest contempt for man as an individual hid.
分庭主席，
总理，
罗马尼亚议会议员，
嘉宾，
亲爱的同胞们。
我们今天会面，完成责任是我们国家过去的一个严峻的一章。我仔细
阅读了罗马尼亚总统分析共产党专政委员会的最终报告。我在这份文
件中发现我可以谴责共产党政权的原因。对于罗马尼亚的公民来说，
共产主义是一个由自称为真理持有者的政治集团实施的政权，是一个
通过暴力产生并以暴力结束的极权主义政权。这是一个压迫政权，征
用了五十年的现代历史的罗马尼亚人民，践踏了法律，迫使公民生活
在谎言和恐惧之中。
总统委员会成立于2006年4月，是对社会要求承担和谴责极权主义过去
的回应。我们认为有必要成立委员会，以便在理智和道德上谴责这一
行为。我们不希望简单地正式否认共产主义过去，就方便性而言。这
样的信念本来就没有说服力。我要求委员会严格分析极权制度的组成
部分，使这一悲剧成为可能的主要制度，以及在制度中果断涉及的人
士。我们需要彻底分析罗马尼亚的共产主义制度。委员会已经完成了
600多页，我对此表示感谢。需要进一步的相关分析关于党的设备和
结构和方法的Securitate。我们需要清楚地看到经济领域发生了什么
事情，异常的工业化和指挥经济已经产生了深远的后果。我们需要尽
可能详细地介绍农业集体化，被迫流离失所，对抗抵抗者，迫害精英
和传统教育制度，骚扰邪教和逮捕宗教人士等问题。
我们有必要的数据谴责罗马尼亚的共产主义政权，但没有上诉权。没
有记忆的民主是一个严重的痛苦。我们不能忘记避免过去的错误。
我假设委员会的结论是，罗马尼亚的极权主义共产主义制度是由外国
独裁统治的。的确，这是一个基于狂热的意识形态，系统地培养仇恨
的意识形态的非法政权，为此阶级斗争？和无产阶级专政？象征着历
史进步的本质。从苏联进口的共产主义意识形态证明了对公民社会的
攻击，政治和经济多元化，民主党派的破坏，自由市场的破坏，暗杀，
驱逐，强迫劳动，数十万人的监禁等等。在社会主义人道主义的面具
背后？作为个人隐藏的人最深切的蔑视。
在对分析性文献和证明共产主义极权主义的反爱国主义性质的现有证
言的考察的基础上，我们可以说，罗马尼亚共产党政权（1945-1989）
是非法的和犯罪的。我并不否认有一段时间是相对平静的，有些人相
信这个系统。对绝大多数人来说，这是一种残缺的生活，生活在直接
或间接的恐怖之下，自由的概念已经失去意义。所以现在是评估共产
主义政权的性质和遗产的时候了。有些人已经屈服于理想化格奥尔基
盖尔乔韦德时期的诱惑，忘记他已经建立和巩固了罗马尼亚的共产主
义恐怖主义，他的数十万死亡的尼古拉齐奥塞斯库的政权来到地上，
准备并清理她。其他人试图以所谓依附国家价值的名义为齐奥塞斯库
时代的恐怖事件道歉。事实是，它们被引用，并且仅仅通过诉诸爱国
主义来加强团体的力量。换句话说，罗马尼亚的共产主义政权，一个
以不断侵犯人权为基础的极权制度，一个敌视开放社会的意识形态至
上，一小撮个人行使权力的垄断，对镇压，恐吓，屈辱和腐败。罗马
尼亚遭受列宁主义教条的后果：基于偏重重工业的生动的经济模式，
强迫工业化;私有财产的清算，与农业集体化的残酷政策相联系;以虚
假社会现代化的名义破坏传统价值观;对社会空间的有系统的控制，公
民的亲密生活（特别是通过N.齐奥塞斯库的独裁政权）。因此，私人
领域几乎完全被极权党/国家所吞并。国家社会主义的日常生活受到
党派控制的宣传和控制分子的侵袭。
...... ...... ......
报告中提到的主要刑事行动，我想在这里回顾一下，作为这个太迟的
裁决的一个论据如下：
（1）在与彼得鲁·格罗扎（1945年3月6日）领导的傀儡政府施加关
系后，通过与苏联关系的服务主义放弃国家利益。这已经开始了一个
延迟了我们几十年的历史的时期。
（2）通过监禁和欺诈摧毁法治和多元化，尤其是在1946年11月的选举
被盗之后。
（3）通过强制放弃迈克尔王国，破坏政党和罗马尼亚国家的宪法连续
性。
（4）罗马尼亚的总体苏维埃化，特别是1948-1956年的时期，以无产
阶级专政的名义强加罗马尼亚？以利益为导向的专制政治体系，紧密
团结在最高领袖身上;
（5）以阶级斗争的名义摧毁一些社会类别的政策。罗马尼亚精英阶
层最杰出的代表被暗杀，驱逐，监禁，强迫劳动或边缘化所消灭。已
经使用了集体罪行的逻辑和迫害那些涉嫌反共的意图或行为的家庭。
有办法使用异常标准来摧毁不健康家庭儿童的机会吗？在高等教育中
学习。
由于共产党政权的政策，成千上万的人在监狱中被拘留或驱逐出境。
由委员会考虑的研究人员提出的数字介于50万到200万之间的受害者。
困难来自于由安全检察，警察，边防警卫乐队和许多这些受害者的命
运的其他信息镇压机构的系统性隐瞒估计。
（6）对民族，宗教，文化或性取向少数群体的迫害;
（7）消灭代表山区武装反共抗争的党派团体（1945年至1962年）;
（8）对罗马尼亚少数民族和少数民族中的所有反对共产主义者的镇
压和对邪教的镇压和迫害;东正教教会的压迫，希腊天主教会的废除
以及对犹太复国主义运动的迫害。
（9）逮捕，杀害，政治拘留或驱逐反对集体化的农民。猛烈的农民
暴动清算（1949-1962）。
（10）为了灭绝而驱逐出境。种族压制。去买卖？犹太人和德国人。
（11）对文化的压迫，民族价值观的消灭，排斥西方艺术和文化，
审查逮捕和屈辱neīnregimentaţi知识分子或示威（1945年至1989
年）的。
（12）学生运动和1956年对示威学生，由PMR，UTM，USAUR和安全
（1958-1960）举办的试验行动的镇压并在1965年和随后几年上演。
（13）压制来自久谷（1977年），布拉索夫（1987年）和1980年代
其他罢工的工人运动。逮捕和驱逐抗议者工人。
（14）在七十年代和八十年代压制反对者和持不同政见者。逮捕和
最勇敢的对手暗杀 - 工程师格奥尔基乌尔苏，判处外交官米塞亚·
雷斯努，逮捕，并于1989年尝试过死亡的谋杀;这个政权认为叛国罪
可怕的人的死亡人数。
（15）在20世纪80年代的强拆，被齐奥塞斯库的自大狂，并与清算主
要的文化和历史建筑的痴迷启发历史文化遗产的破坏。以系统化政策
的名义限制部分罗马尼亚人离开家园？的农村地区。
（16）“人口政策”的灾难性后果？ （1966-1989），数千人死亡。
（17）关于均衡营养?? ??异常规范，饥饿人口，停止加热，苦难的
状态，从绝望物理降解，其政权全体人民所产生的税收。
（18）使用物质和道德上的苦难以及恐惧，作为保持共产主义权力
的工具。假装满足马克思主义的欲望，该政权把整个人口当作一群
受到这个荒谬的社会工程实验的豚鼠。
（19）罗马尼亚社会和团结的价值观，没有它，没有一个国家能够
成为它自己的历史的自由作家的道德参照点的破坏。
（20）齐奥塞斯库的顺序愤怒公民的屠杀者，经PCR和军队和秘密
部门，一些单位的有效参与1989年12月的反共革命期间。
由于这些原因，
作为罗马尼亚国家元首，明确和断然谴责共产主义制度在罗马尼亚，
自成立以来，根据发号施令超过1944-1947，直到它在1989年12月崩
溃。
考虑到报告中提出帐户的实际情况，对我的话全部责任：在罗马尼
亚共产党政权是非法的和犯罪。
谴责罗马尼亚的共产主义制度，我肯定我的那些谁反对独裁，由共
产党，直到持不同政见者和反对者齐奥塞斯库全军覆没政党的抗联
战士和武装分子的英雄气概表示钦佩。把在这里的议会罗马尼亚，
祭奠伟大的政治家作为Maniu，恩·米拉切，迪·布拉琴和离子
Flueraş，烈士堂，如利叶·霍苏河，三都铎，弗拉基米尔·格希卡，
理查德·布兰，MIRTON讽刺的庄严会议在罗马尼亚民主党派成员，极
权共产主义政权，反对派和持不同政见者的受害者。我想表达我的
感谢共产党的监狱里谁是我们作为一个民族悲剧的最后一个直接证人
的所有幸存者的爱国勇气和尊严。寻也热衷于荣誉谁提出反对齐奥塞
斯库的声音的知识分子：保罗·戈马，依娜角膜，拉杜·菲利普斯丘，
米尔恰迪内斯库，丹佩特雷斯库利维乌Cangiopol加布里埃尔·安德
烈斯丘或绝望的姿态，今天全忘了利维乌·美女谁在1989年3月2日
和波亚纳布拉索夫烧毁，在Bradu坡抗议一个犯罪政权。与此同时，
我表示大多数罗马尼亚人民的苦难的同情。
西方电台，?? ??自由欧洲，英国广播公司，美国之音?? ??，?? ??
德国之声，法国国际广播电台?? ??，分别在国内和国外的状况报告
罗马尼亚公民的工具。共产党政权的绝望，自由欧洲电台？这确实是
什么意思处处讲罗马尼亚人的报纸。致敬Ghita Ionescu的米哈伊
Cismărescu诺埃尔·伯纳德和弗拉德Georgescu的，人谁与利他主义
和激情战斗查找和说真话。我歌颂Lovinescu和弗吉尔·兰卡，谁，
而身在他乡，继续每天罗马尼亚人民生活，通过从自由欧洲电台，
罗马尼亚人的道德良心他们难忘的节目保持清醒。
谴责这一政权，罗马尼亚民主国家谴责它的仪器，主要是罗马尼亚
共产党和安全性。我想很好理解。我的意思不是从党员，其唯一的
活动是交纳会费和参加任何内容的每月例会无效的质量任何时候。
我的意思是该机构?? ??执政党，所以这让共产极权主义政权可能的
设备。那里的安全，它是在共产极权国家，非法犯罪的重要机构。
- 支持委员会提议建立纪念的一天共产主义恐怖和镇压和共产主义
的受害者资本竖立一座纪念碑的提案的受害者。
- 我支持在罗马尼亚设立布加勒斯特共产党独裁博物馆。这座博物馆
也将成为开放社会的记忆和肯定的价值之一。除了博物馆，有必要建
立公共信息资料中心，拥有不受限制的访问，这是理解收集共产主义
的现象，劳教所，宣传健康成长的精神手段的文件是必不可少的。
- 提出一个永久性的展览在议会宫，用文件说明政治警察的想法，
文件有代表性的现象公民基本权利的侵犯共产主义罗马尼亚。
- 我支持在该国主要大学中心组织会议周期，介绍报告的内容，并附
上解释，评论和说明文件。
- 我建议组建一组研究人员来详细阐述罗马尼亚共产主义百科全书。
同一小组将努力以学校手册的形式综合最终报告。
- 我支持，需要寻求法律解决方案，以汇传世政治文章的基础上判决，
判处徒刑的废止和强迫劳动导致的法令一千九百七十零分之一百五十
三的社会寄生?? ??，?? ??无政府主义和其他任何异常行为。否认法
律没有。 1978年8月6日第5号，在此基础上可以因为偏离社会主义道
德和公平而终止劳动合同。
- 我支持对立法框架进行修改，这将有助于向那些从极权国家撤出的
人授予罗马尼亚公民身份的程序。
- 我支持修改和完成与共产主义时期有关的档案访问法律框架。在
1989年12月革命后的17年，共产党档案的透明度和可及性的时刻到
了。成员和委员会专家遇到的障碍必须立即毫不犹豫地消除。应该
立即修改“国家档案法”关于获取历史利益档案的条款。忽视义务
修改档案法演示了一个缺乏政治意愿授予感兴趣的研究人员的共产
主义政权档案盲目进入。一个民主的罗马尼亚是一个可以访问历史，
即档案的地方，它是自由和不受阻碍的。
- 我支持前政治犯关于公众承认他们遭受的悲剧的要求。
- 我支持建议每年为有兴趣研究共产主义专政各方面的青年研究人
员建立一个有竞争力的12个奖学金制度。
- 我肯定有必要修改教学目标的最终报告（关于罗马尼亚共产党专
政的手册），以便在中学教授。
让我补充一点，如果我们摆脱任何党派精神，执行我今天所提出的
建议只会取得成果。在1989年革命17年后，罗马尼亚的任何一方都
不应该追求将共产主义谴责的政治化。我今天的姿态是我们作为一
个民族，民主价值观所假设的自然结果。以这些价值观为名，我们
有义务从我们的历史中汲取我们想要的以及我们不想将我们的身份
定义为罗马尼亚人和欧盟未来公民的义务。然而，我们在我们自己
的生活经历了五个十年的共产主义的进口，在历史上是瘟疫，伤口
仍溃烂，它是时候关闭一劳永逸。
揭示了许多人想忘记的时期，我们谈到了过去，我们今天想要在
自由的价值观中一路走下去。这些价值观，即使在罗马尼亚或欧洲
之前，都与人类普遍的神圣价值有关。如果我们现在回到过去，
那么我们就是为了面对未来，对个人的蔑视将不再受到惩罚。
Based on the examination of the analytical literature and the existing testimonies proving the antipatriotic nature of communist totalitarianism, we can state that the Communist regime in Romania (1945-1989) was illegitimate and criminal. I do not deny that there were periods of relative lull and that some people believed in the system. For the overwhelming majority of the population, it was a mutilated existence, lived under direct or indirect terror, and where the notion of freedom had lost any meaning. So it is time to evaluate the nature and legacy of the communist regime. Some have succumbed to the temptation to idealize the period of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, forgetting that he had established and consolidated the Communist terror in Romania, with his hundreds of thousands of dead, Nicolae Ceausescu's regime coming to settle on the ground prepared and cleaned by she. Others tried to apologize for the horrors of the Ceausescu era in the name of the alleged attachment to national values. The truth is that they were invoked and superlative only to strengthen the power of a group by resorting to a parade patriotism. In other words, the Communist regime in Romania, a totalitarian system based on the constant violation of human rights, on the supremacy of an ideology hostile to open society, on the monopoly of the power exercised by a small group of individuals, on repression, intimidation, humiliation and corruption. Romania suffered the consequences of the Leninist dogmas: forced industrialization, based on a vivid economic model that favored heavy industry; the liquidation of private property, associated with the brutal policy of collectivization of agriculture; the destruction of traditional values in the name of a false social modernization; the methodical control over the social space, the intimate life of the citizens (especially through the natalist politics of N. Ceausescu's dictatorship). The private sphere was thus almost completely annexed by the totalitarian party / state. Everyday life in state socialism was invaded by propaganda and control elements dictated by the party.
