Last week, an 89-year-old man named Alexandru Visinescu appeared before a court in Bucharest, Romania, to face charges of crimes against humanity. The alleged crimes date back to between 1956 and 1963, when Visinescu served as commandant of the Ramnicu Sarat prison—a notoriously brutal apparatus of the Romanian Communist state. On Wednesday, the frail old man hardly looked the part; he sat quietly in the courtroom, wearing a hat and a three-piece blue suit.
In Bucharest, the event is already being hailed as a “Romanian Nuremberg”—for it marks the first trial of its kind against a former leader of the Communist state’s prison system. “This trial is particularly important, because for the first time an instrument of Communist terror will face justice,” said investigator Radu Preda.
Historians estimate that some 617,000 Romanians were locked up by Communist authorities between 1947 and 1989; about one in five died behind bars. Ramnicu Sarat was known as “the prison of silence” because detainees—many of them famed intellectuals, dissidents and priests—were held in solitary confinement and not permitted to speak.
Prosecutors accuse Visinescu of “submit[ting] the political detainees to conditions designed to destroy them . . . a slow and effective process during which they were mentally and physically tortured.” Nicoleta Eremia, the widow of a former Ramnicu Sarat prisoner who is seeking $140,000 in financial damages, says that her husband was imprisoned for three years for writing a satirical book that criticized Communist leaders, and that he left prison barely able to walk, after being forced to stand in ice water for hours on end. Visinescu denies these charges.
The trial was a long time in coming. A quarter-century ago, on Christmas Day, Romania’s long-serving dictator Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife were shot by a firing squad following a slap-dash summary trial. With this, the last of the Warsaw Pact dictators to be overthrown in 1989 met his fate. Days earlier, amidst mounting anti-regime protest, Ceausescu had addressed thousands of Romanian workers from the balcony of the Central Committee building. The now-infamous speech—and the startled face of the dictator when the jeering crowds turned against him—was captured on video and became a symbol of Communist Europe’s demise.
Since then, Romania has had difficulty facing up to its past. Very few Romanian Communist leaders faced trial. Indeed, many officials who served under Ceausescu went on to assume new positions of power in the ’90s. Adrian Cioroianu, dean of history at the University of Bucharest, thinks his country’s reticence is rooted in the way Romanian history was written after 1989: “Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu were used as scapegoats for all the layers of the party.”
In recent years, the sticky legacy of the Securitate—Ceausescu’s omnipotent secret police service—has come to bear on Bucharest. Historians estimate that by the ’80s, about one in 30 Romanians worked as Securitate informers. In 1999, the first Securitate archives—over two million surveillance files, occupying miles of shelf space—were opened up to those who had been targets of state spying. In 2007, the files were turned over to an independent National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives, which is now scouring the collection for incriminating evidence, and investigating sitting officials for signs of Securitate collaboration.
In 2006, Romania made its first moves toward prosecuting former Communist officials. That year, the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and Memory of the Romanian Exile (IICCMRE) was founded in Bucharest and began researching historical crimes, in some instances by exhuming old graves. Last year, the IICCMRE approached state prosecutors with a list of 35 former officials, reportedly ranging in age from 81 to 99. Visinescu’s trial (which has been adjourned until late October) will be the first, but almost surely not the last. “In principle, I do not approve of a ‘witch hunt,’ ” says IICCMRE’s Preda. But “evil has a face. Without actual trials, with actual people, we risk transforming Communism into a natural phenomenon.”
上周，一名名叫Alexandru Visinescu的89歲男子出現在羅馬尼亞布
加勒斯特的一家法院面前，面對危害人類罪。所謂的罪行可以追溯到
1956年至1963年，當時Visinescu擔任Ramniku Sarat監獄的指揮官
- 這是羅馬尼亞共產主義國家一個臭名昭着的野蠻機構。周三，這位
體弱多病的老人幾乎看不到那部分;他安靜地坐在法庭上，戴着一頂
帽子和一件三件套藍色西裝。
在布加勒斯特，這一事件已被譽為“羅馬尼亞紐倫堡”，因為它標誌
着對共產主義國家監獄系統的前領導人的首次審判。調查人員拉杜普
雷達說：“這次審判特別重要，因為共產主義恐怖手段將首次面臨司
法問題。”
歷史學家估計，1947年至1989年期間共有約61.17萬羅馬尼亞人被共
產黨當局封鎖;大約五分之一的人死在了監獄裡面。拉姆尼庫薩拉特
被稱為“沉默的監獄”，因為被拘留者 - 其中許多着名的知識分子，
異見人士和牧師 - 都被單獨監禁，不允許發言。
檢察官指控Visinescu“將政治被拘留者提交給旨在摧毀他們的條件。
一個緩慢而有效的過程，在這個過程中，他們受到精神和身體上的折
磨。“前Ramnicu Sarat囚犯的寡婦Nicoleta Eremia正在尋求
140,000美元的經濟損失賠償金，她說她的丈夫因為寫了一本諷刺漫
畫書而被囚三年共產黨領導人，並且他被迫在冰水中堅持了幾個小時
後，幾乎無法走路。 Visinescu否認這些收費。
審判已經很長時間了。二十五年前的聖誕節當天，羅馬尼亞長期服
役的獨裁者尼古拉齊奧塞斯庫和他的妻子在一次巴士短暫的總結審
判後被行刑隊擊斃。由此，1989年推翻的華沙條約獨裁者最後一次
遇到了他的命運。幾天前，在反政權抗議日益增多的情況下，齊奧
塞斯庫從中央委員會大樓的陽台向成千上萬的羅馬尼亞工人講話。
現在這個臭名昭着的講話以及當嘲笑人群轉向他時獨裁者驚訝的表
情被視頻錄製下來，並成為共產主義歐洲滅亡的象徵。
此後，羅馬尼亞難以面對過去。很少羅馬尼亞共產黨領導人面臨審
判。事實上，許多在齊奧塞斯庫任職的官員繼續擔任90年代的新職
位。布加勒斯特大學歷史系主任阿德里安·克羅奧安努認為，該國
的沉默植根於1989年之後羅馬尼亞歷史的寫作方式：“尼古拉和埃
琳娜齊奧塞斯庫被當作黨的所有階層的替罪羊。”
近年來，Securitate-Ceausescu的全能秘密警察服務的粘性遺產已
經對布加勒斯特產生了影響。歷史學家估計，到了80年代，約有三
分之一的羅馬尼亞人擔任安全告密者。 1999年，第一個Securitate
檔案 - 超過200萬個監視文件，占用數英里的貨架空間 - 向那些成
為國家間諜活動目標的人開放。 2007年，這些檔案被移交給獨立的
國家檔案庫研究委員會，該委員會現在正在搜集有關證據的證據，
並且調查了就職官員是否存在證據合作的跡象。
2006年，羅馬尼亞首次採取行動起訴前共產黨官員。那一年，羅馬
尼亞流亡共產主義犯罪和記憶調查研究所（IICCMRE）在布加勒斯
特成立，並開始研究歷史犯罪，有時是通過挖掘老墳來研究歷史犯
罪。去年，IICCMRE向各州檢察官提供了一份35名前任官員的名單，
據報其年齡從81歲到99歲。Visinescu的審判（已延期至10月下旬）
將是第一次，但幾乎肯定不是最後一次。 “原則上，我不贊成'尋
找女巫'，”IICCMRE的Preda說。但“邪惡有一張臉。如果沒有實
際的試驗，對於實際的人，我們有可能將共產主義轉化為自然現象。
附在案件上的“羅馬尼亞紐倫堡”標題並不完全適合。畢竟，紐倫
堡的審判直接追隨第二次世界大戰，並在國際法庭上將納粹最高級
別的人物集體繩之以法。但是這些程序確實類似於正在進行的納粹
老化官員的試驗，無論是語言還是語調。在這兩起案件中，被控罪
行的嚴重性質與被指控實施罪行的枯萎老人形成了驚人的對比。被
告人的請求也從同一本書中借用; Visinescu認為他只有“遵守我的
上級命令”才有罪。
今天，只有一名Ramnicu薩拉特監獄的前囚犯倖免於難，將他的前囚
徒繩之以法。瓦倫丁·克里斯蒂亞說，他於1956年被監禁，向反共
抵抗運動“泄露國家機密”。據說他在監獄裡度過了七年。最近
Cristea告訴記者，他認為Visinescu的審判是一個重要的里程碑 -
但他不忍看它。
Former communist warden Alexandru
Visinescu sentenced to 20 years in
prison, sentence not final
By nineoclock - July 24, 20150315 views
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The former warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary Alexandru Visinescu on Friday was sentenced to 20 years in jail by the Bucharest Court of Appeal for inhuman treatment.
The court also ordered Visinescu’s demotion in military rank.
According to Agerpres, he was also ordered to pay, jointly with the Public Finance Ministry, the Interior Ministry and the National Penitentiary Authority damages worth 300,000 euros to three survivors of the Ramnicu Valcea jail victims: Nicoleta Eremia – 50,000 euros; Elena Iacob – 100,000 euros and Anca Cernea – 150,000 euro.
Moreover, he will have to pay court fees of RON 25,000.
The court also ordered a lien to be maintained on a building owned by Visinescu and shares in financial investment companies (SIFs) owned by him.
The sentence is not final.
At the last hearing of the trial on July 14, a prosecutor of the General Prosecution Service asked for Visinescu’s sentencing to 25 years in prison and his demotion in military rank.
Also then, the session prosecutor argued that the life sentence should apply to Visinescu, but since he is older than 65 years, the maximum sentence in the criminal legislation is 25 years.
Alexandru Visinescu, a former warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary, on June 18, 2014, was sent to court by the Prosecution Service with the Supreme Court of Justice and Cassation on counts of crime against humanity in relation with abuses of political prisoners.
The prosecutors argued that in 1956-1963 Visinescu, in his capacity as warden of the Ramnicu Sarat Penitentiary, perpetrated systematic actions and inactions that resulted in the persecution of the community of political prisoners incarcerated in the penitentiary by denying them fundamental human rights or serious restrictions of the exercise of such rights on political grounds.
The prisoners were allegedly subjected to living conditions and treatment meant for their physical destruction, without having been provided a modicum of medicines or adequate medical care.
At the same time, not treating ill prisoners, refusal to transfer them to penitentiary hospitals, the prisoners’ failing state of health for the lack of food, and heat, discretionary and abusive punishment, inhuman detention, ill treatment, battering and other forms of violence, ignoring the petitions and complaints of the prisoners were actions which were aimed to lead to the physical extermination of the jailed persons.
前共產主義監獄長亞歷山德魯Visinescu判處20年徒刑，判決不是最終
九點 - 九五年七月二十四日，意見 在Twitter上分享Facebook上的
推文
上周五，Ramnicu Sarat監獄Alexandru Visinescu的前任監獄長被
布加勒斯特上訴法院判處20年徒刑，判處其不人道待遇。
法院還命令Visinescu的軍銜降級。
據Agerpres稱，他還被要求與公共財政部，內政部和國家監獄管理
局共同賠償價值300,000歐元的三名Ramnicu Valcea監獄受害者的
倖存者：Nicoleta Eremia - 50,000歐元; Elena Iacob - 100,000
Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste
din Romānia
(Bucureşti, 18 decembrie 2006)
Domnilor Preşedinţi ai Camerelor,
Domnule Prim Ministru,
Onoraţi membri ai Parlamentului Romāniei,
Distinşi invitaţi,
Dragi compatrioţi.
Ne īntrunim astăzi pentru a īnchide, cu deplină responsabilitate, un capitol sumbru din trecutul ţării noastre. Am citit cu mare atenţie Raportul Final al Comisiei Prezidenţiale pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romānia. Am găsit īn acest document raţiunile pentru care pot condamna regimul comunist. Pentru cetăţenii Romāniei, comunismul a fost un regim impus de un grup politic autodesemnat ca deţinător al adevărului, un regim totalitar născut prin violenţă şi īncheiat tot prin violenţă. A fost un regim de opresiune, care a expropriat poporul romān de cinci decenii de istorie modernă, care a călcat īn picioare legea şi a obligat cetăţenii să trăiască īn minciună şi frică.
Comisia Prezidenţială a fost īnfiinţată īn aprilie 2006, ca un răspuns la cererile societăţii de asumare şi condamnare a trecutului totalitar. Am considerat necesară constituirea Comisiei tocmai pentru a fundamenta intelectual şi moral actul de condamnare. Nu am dorit o simplă repudiere formală a trecutului comunist, la nivelul unor declaraţii de complezenţă. O asemenea condamnare ar fi fost neconvingătoare. Am cerut Comisiei o analiză riguroasă a componentelor sistemului totalitar, a principalelor instituţii care au facut posibilă această tragedie, precum şi a personalităţilor implicate decisiv īn sistem. Avem nevoie de o analiză aprofundată a sistemului comunist din Romānia. Comisia a făcut acest lucru, īn peste 600 de pagini, lucru pentru care īi mulţumesc. Este nevoie īn continuare de analize pertinente cu privire la aparatul de partid şi la structurile şi metodele Securităţii. Trebuie să avem o radiografie clară a ceea ce s-a petrecut īn domeniul economic, unde o industrializare aberantă şi o economie de comandă au produs consecinţe īncă vizibile. Trebuie să avem cāt mai multe detalii privind colectivizarea agriculturii, strămutările forţate, prigoana īmpotriva celor care au rezistat, distrugerea elitelor şi a sistemului educaţional tradiţional, hărţuirea cultelor şi arestările de personalităţi religioase.
SPEECH
the President of Romania, Traian Băsescu,
occasioned by the Presentation of the Report
Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist
Dictatorship in Romania
( Bucharest, December 18, 2006 )
Presidents of the Chambers,
Prime Minister,
Honorable members of the Romanian Parliament,
Distinguished guests,
Dear compatriots.
We meet today to close with complete responsibility a grim chapter in our country's past. I read with great care the Final Report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of Communist Dictatorship in Romania. I found in this document the reasons why I can condemn the communist regime. For the citizens of Romania, communism was a regime imposed by a political group self-described as the holder of truth, a totalitarian regime born through violence and ending in violence as well. It was a regime of oppression, which expropriated the Romanian people of five decades of modern history, which trampled the law and forced the citizens to live in lies and fear.
The Presidential Commission was set up in April 2006 as a response to the demands of the society to assume and condemn the totalitarian past. We considered it necessary to set up the Commission just to intellectually and morally ground the act of condemnation. We did not want a simple formal repudiation of the Communist past, at the level of statements of convenience. Such a conviction would have been unconvincing. I asked the Commission for a rigorous analysis of the components of the totalitarian system, the main institutions that made this tragedy possible, as well as the personalities involved decisively in the system. We need a thorough analysis of the communist system in Romania. The Commission has done this in over 600 pages, for which I thank. Further pertinent analyzes are needed regarding the party apparatus and the structures and methods of the Securitate. We need to have a clear radiograph of what has happened in the economic field, where aberrant industrialization and command economy have produced far-reaching consequences. We need to have as much detail as possible on the collectivization of agriculture, forced displacement, persecution against those who have resisted, the destruction of elites and the traditional educational system, harassment of cults and arrests of religious personalities.
We have the necessary data to condemn the Communist regime in Romania without a right of appeal. A democracy without memory is one in serious suffering. We must not forget to avoid the errors of the past.
The conclusions of the Commission, which I assume, state that the totalitarian communist system in Romania was imposed by foreign dictatorship. Indeed, it was an illegitimate regime, based on a fanatical ideology, an ideology of the systematic cultivation of hatred, for which class struggle? and the dictatorship of the proletariat? symbolized the essence of historical progress. Imported from the USSR, the communist ideology justified the attack on civil society, political and economic pluralism, the destruction of democratic parties, the destruction of the free market, extermination by assassination, deportations, forced labor, imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people. Behind the mask of socialist humanism? the deepest contempt for man as an individual hid.
分庭主席，
總理，
羅馬尼亞議會議員，
嘉賓，
親愛的同胞們。
我們今天會面，完成責任是我們國家過去的一個嚴峻的一章。我仔細
閱讀了羅馬尼亞總統分析共產黨專政委員會的最終報告。我在這份文
件中發現我可以譴責共產黨政權的原因。對於羅馬尼亞的公民來說，
共產主義是一個由自稱為真理持有者的政治集團實施的政權，是一個
通過暴力產生並以暴力結束的極權主義政權。這是一個壓迫政權，征
用了五十年的現代歷史的羅馬尼亞人民，踐踏了法律，迫使公民生活
在謊言和恐懼之中。
總統委員會成立於2006年4月，是對社會要求承擔和譴責極權主義過去
的回應。我們認為有必要成立委員會，以便在理智和道德上譴責這一
行為。我們不希望簡單地正式否認共產主義過去，就方便性而言。這
樣的信念本來就沒有說服力。我要求委員會嚴格分析極權制度的組成
部分，使這一悲劇成為可能的主要制度，以及在制度中果斷涉及的人
士。我們需要徹底分析羅馬尼亞的共產主義制度。委員會已經完成了
600多頁，我對此表示感謝。需要進一步的相關分析關於黨的設備和
結構和方法的Securitate。我們需要清楚地看到經濟領域發生了什麼
事情，異常的工業化和指揮經濟已經產生了深遠的後果。我們需要盡
可能詳細地介紹農業集體化，被迫流離失所，對抗抵抗者，迫害精英
和傳統教育制度，騷擾邪教和逮捕宗教人士等問題。
我們有必要的數據譴責羅馬尼亞的共產主義政權，但沒有上訴權。沒
有記憶的民主是一個嚴重的痛苦。我們不能忘記避免過去的錯誤。
我假設委員會的結論是，羅馬尼亞的極權主義共產主義制度是由外國
獨裁統治的。的確，這是一個基於狂熱的意識形態，系統地培養仇恨
的意識形態的非法政權，為此階級鬥爭？和無產階級專政？象徵着歷
史進步的本質。從蘇聯進口的共產主義意識形態證明了對公民社會的
攻擊，政治和經濟多元化，民主黨派的破壞，自由市場的破壞，暗殺，
驅逐，強迫勞動，數十萬人的監禁等等。在社會主義人道主義的面具
背後？作為個人隱藏的人最深切的蔑視。
在對分析性文獻和證明共產主義極權主義的反愛國主義性質的現有證
言的考察的基礎上，我們可以說，羅馬尼亞共產黨政權（1945-1989）
是非法的和犯罪的。我並不否認有一段時間是相對平靜的，有些人相
信這個系統。對絕大多數人來說，這是一種殘缺的生活，生活在直接
或間接的恐怖之下，自由的概念已經失去意義。所以現在是評估共產
主義政權的性質和遺產的時候了。有些人已經屈服於理想化格奧爾基
蓋爾喬韋德時期的誘惑，忘記他已經建立和鞏固了羅馬尼亞的共產主
義恐怖主義，他的數十萬死亡的尼古拉齊奧塞斯庫的政權來到地上，
準備並清理她。其他人試圖以所謂依附國家價值的名義為齊奧塞斯庫
時代的恐怖事件道歉。事實是，它們被引用，並且僅僅通過訴諸愛國
主義來加強團體的力量。換句話說，羅馬尼亞的共產主義政權，一個
以不斷侵犯人權為基礎的極權制度，一個敵視開放社會的意識形態至
上，一小撮個人行使權力的壟斷，對鎮壓，恐嚇，屈辱和腐敗。羅馬
尼亞遭受列寧主義教條的後果：基於偏重重工業的生動的經濟模式，
強迫工業化;私有財產的清算，與農業集體化的殘酷政策相聯繫;以虛
假社會現代化的名義破壞傳統價值觀;對社會空間的有系統的控制，公
民的親密生活（特別是通過N.齊奧塞斯庫的獨裁政權）。因此，私人
領域幾乎完全被極權黨/國家所吞併。國家社會主義的日常生活受到
黨派控制的宣傳和控制分子的侵襲。
...... ...... ......
報告中提到的主要刑事行動，我想在這裡回顧一下，作為這個太遲的
裁決的一個論據如下：
（1）在與彼得魯·格羅扎（1945年3月6日）領導的傀儡政府施加關
系後，通過與蘇聯關係的服務主義放棄國家利益。這已經開始了一個
延遲了我們幾十年的歷史的時期。
（2）通過監禁和欺詐摧毀法治和多元化，尤其是在1946年11月的選舉
被盜之後。
（3）通過強制放棄邁克爾王國，破壞政黨和羅馬尼亞國家的憲法連續
性。
（4）羅馬尼亞的總體蘇維埃化，特別是1948-1956年的時期，以無產
階級專政的名義強加羅馬尼亞？以利益為導向的專制政治體系，緊密
團結在最高領袖身上;
（5）以階級鬥爭的名義摧毀一些社會類別的政策。羅馬尼亞精英階
層最傑出的代表被暗殺，驅逐，監禁，強迫勞動或邊緣化所消滅。已
經使用了集體罪行的邏輯和迫害那些涉嫌反共的意圖或行為的家庭。
有辦法使用異常標準來摧毀不健康家庭兒童的機會嗎？在高等教育中
學習。
由於共產黨政權的政策，成千上萬的人在監獄中被拘留或驅逐出境。
由委員會考慮的研究人員提出的數字介於50萬到200萬之間的受害者。
困難來自於由安全檢察，警察，邊防警衛樂隊和許多這些受害者的命
運的其他信息鎮壓機構的系統性隱瞞估計。
（6）對民族，宗教，文化或性取向少數群體的迫害;
（7）消滅代表山區武裝反共抗爭的黨派團體（1945年至1962年）;
（8）對羅馬尼亞少數民族和少數民族中的所有反對共產主義者的鎮
壓和對邪教的鎮壓和迫害;東正教教會的壓迫，希臘天主教會的廢除
以及對猶太復國主義運動的迫害。
（9）逮捕，殺害，政治拘留或驅逐反對集體化的農民。猛烈的農民
暴動清算（1949-1962）。
（10）為了滅絕而驅逐出境。種族壓制。去買賣？猶太人和德國人。
（11）對文化的壓迫，民族價值觀的消滅，排斥西方藝術和文化，
審查逮捕和屈辱neīnregimentaţi知識分子或示威（1945年至1989
年）的。
（12）學生運動和1956年對示威學生，由PMR，UTM，USAUR和安全
（1958-1960）舉辦的試驗行動的鎮壓並在1965年和隨後幾年上演。
（13）壓制來自久谷（1977年），布拉索夫（1987年）和1980年代
其他罷工的工人運動。逮捕和驅逐抗議者工人。
（14）在七十年代和八十年代壓制反對者和持不同政見者。逮捕和
最勇敢的對手暗殺 - 工程師格奧爾基烏爾蘇，判處外交官米塞亞·
雷斯努，逮捕，並於1989年嘗試過死亡的謀殺;這個政權認為叛國罪
可怕的人的死亡人數。
（15）在20世紀80年代的強拆，被齊奧塞斯庫的自大狂，並與清算主
要的文化和歷史建築的痴迷啟發歷史文化遺產的破壞。以系統化政策
的名義限制部分羅馬尼亞人離開家園？的農村地區。
（16）“人口政策”的災難性後果？ （1966-1989），數千人死亡。
（17）關於均衡營養?? ??異常規範，飢餓人口，停止加熱，苦難的
狀態，從絕望物理降解，其政權全體人民所產生的稅收。
（18）使用物質和道德上的苦難以及恐懼，作為保持共產主義權力
的工具。假裝滿足馬克思主義的欲望，該政權把整個人口當作一群
受到這個荒謬的社會工程實驗的豚鼠。
（19）羅馬尼亞社會和團結的價值觀，沒有它，沒有一個國家能夠
成為它自己的歷史的自由作家的道德參照點的破壞。
（20）齊奧塞斯庫的順序憤怒公民的屠殺者，經PCR和軍隊和秘密
部門，一些單位的有效參與1989年12月的反共革命期間。
由於這些原因，
作為羅馬尼亞國家元首，明確和斷然譴責共產主義制度在羅馬尼亞，
自成立以來，根據發號施令超過1944-1947，直到它在1989年12月崩
潰。
考慮到報告中提出帳戶的實際情況，對我的話全部責任：在羅馬尼
亞共產黨政權是非法的和犯罪。
譴責羅馬尼亞的共產主義制度，我肯定我的那些誰反對獨裁，由共
產黨，直到持不同政見者和反對者齊奧塞斯庫全軍覆沒政黨的抗聯
戰士和武裝分子的英雄氣概表示欽佩。把在這裡的議會羅馬尼亞，
祭奠偉大的政治家作為Maniu，恩·米拉切，迪·布拉琴和離子
Flueraş，烈士堂，如利葉·霍蘇河，三都鐸，弗拉基米爾·格希卡，
理查德·布蘭，MIRTON諷刺的莊嚴會議在羅馬尼亞民主黨派成員，極
權共產主義政權，反對派和持不同政見者的受害者。我想表達我的
感謝共產黨的監獄裡誰是我們作為一個民族悲劇的最後一個直接證人
的所有倖存者的愛國勇氣和尊嚴。尋也熱衷於榮譽誰提出反對齊奧塞
斯庫的聲音的知識分子：保羅·戈馬，依娜角膜，拉杜·菲利普斯丘，
米爾恰迪內斯庫，丹佩特雷斯庫利維烏Cangiopol加布里埃爾·安德
烈斯丘或絕望的姿態，今天全忘了利維烏·美女誰在1989年3月2日
和波亞納布拉索夫燒毀，在Bradu坡抗議一個犯罪政權。與此同時，
我表示大多數羅馬尼亞人民的苦難的同情。
西方電台，?? ??自由歐洲，英國廣播公司，美國之音?? ??，?? ??
德國之聲，法國國際廣播電台?? ??，分別在國內和國外的狀況報告
羅馬尼亞公民的工具。共產黨政權的絕望，自由歐洲電台？這確實是
什麼意思處處講羅馬尼亞人的報紙。致敬Ghita Ionescu的米哈伊
Cismărescu諾埃爾·伯納德和弗拉德Georgescu的，人誰與利他主義
和激情戰鬥查找和說真話。我歌頌Lovinescu和弗吉爾·蘭卡，誰，
而身在他鄉，繼續每天羅馬尼亞人民生活，通過從自由歐洲電台，
羅馬尼亞人的道德良心他們難忘的節目保持清醒。
譴責這一政權，羅馬尼亞民主國家譴責它的儀器，主要是羅馬尼亞
共產黨和安全性。我想很好理解。我的意思不是從黨員，其唯一的
活動是交納會費和參加任何內容的每月例會無效的質量任何時候。
我的意思是該機構?? ??執政黨，所以這讓共產極權主義政權可能的
設備。那裡的安全，它是在共產極權國家，非法犯罪的重要機構。
- 支持委員會提議建立紀念的一天共產主義恐怖和鎮壓和共產主義
的受害者資本豎立一座紀念碑的提案的受害者。
- 我支持在羅馬尼亞設立布加勒斯特共產黨獨裁博物館。這座博物館
也將成為開放社會的記憶和肯定的價值之一。除了博物館，有必要建
立公共信息資料中心，擁有不受限制的訪問，這是理解收集共產主義
的現象，勞教所，宣傳健康成長的精神手段的文件是必不可少的。
- 提出一個永久性的展覽在議會宮，用文件說明政治警察的想法，
文件有代表性的現象公民基本權利的侵犯共產主義羅馬尼亞。
- 我支持在該國主要大學中心組織會議周期，介紹報告的內容，並附
上解釋，評論和說明文件。
- 我建議組建一組研究人員來詳細闡述羅馬尼亞共產主義百科全書。
同一小組將努力以學校手冊的形式綜合最終報告。
- 我支持，需要尋求法律解決方案，以匯傳世政治文章的基礎上判決，
判處徒刑的廢止和強迫勞動導致的法令一千九百七十零分之一百五十
三的社會寄生?? ??，?? ??無政府主義和其他任何異常行為。否認法
律沒有。 1978年8月6日第5號，在此基礎上可以因為偏離社會主義道
德和公平而終止勞動合同。
- 我支持對立法框架進行修改，這將有助於向那些從極權國家撤出的
人授予羅馬尼亞公民身份的程序。
- 我支持修改和完成與共產主義時期有關的檔案訪問法律框架。在
1989年12月革命後的17年，共產黨檔案的透明度和可及性的時刻到
了。成員和委員會專家遇到的障礙必須立即毫不猶豫地消除。應該
立即修改“國家檔案法”關於獲取歷史利益檔案的條款。忽視義務
修改檔案法演示了一個缺乏政治意願授予感興趣的研究人員的共產
主義政權檔案盲目進入。一個民主的羅馬尼亞是一個可以訪問歷史，
即檔案的地方，它是自由和不受阻礙的。
- 我支持前政治犯關於公眾承認他們遭受的悲劇的要求。
- 我支持建議每年為有興趣研究共產主義專政各方面的青年研究人
員建立一個有競爭力的12個獎學金制度。
- 我肯定有必要修改教學目標的最終報告（關於羅馬尼亞共產黨專
政的手冊），以便在中學教授。
讓我補充一點，如果我們擺脫任何黨派精神，執行我今天所提出的
建議只會取得成果。在1989年革命17年後，羅馬尼亞的任何一方都
不應該追求將共產主義譴責的政治化。我今天的姿態是我們作為一
個民族，民主價值觀所假設的自然結果。以這些價值觀為名，我們
有義務從我們的歷史中汲取我們想要的以及我們不想將我們的身份
定義為羅馬尼亞人和歐盟未來公民的義務。然而，我們在我們自己
的生活經歷了五個十年的共產主義的進口，在歷史上是瘟疫，傷口
仍潰爛，它是時候關閉一勞永逸。
揭示了許多人想忘記的時期，我們談到了過去，我們今天想要在
自由的價值觀中一路走下去。這些價值觀，即使在羅馬尼亞或歐洲
之前，都與人類普遍的神聖價值有關。如果我們現在回到過去，
那麼我們就是為了面對未來，對個人的蔑視將不再受到懲罰。
Based on the examination of the analytical literature and the existing testimonies proving the antipatriotic nature of communist totalitarianism, we can state that the Communist regime in Romania (1945-1989) was illegitimate and criminal. I do not deny that there were periods of relative lull and that some people believed in the system. For the overwhelming majority of the population, it was a mutilated existence, lived under direct or indirect terror, and where the notion of freedom had lost any meaning. So it is time to evaluate the nature and legacy of the communist regime. Some have succumbed to the temptation to idealize the period of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, forgetting that he had established and consolidated the Communist terror in Romania, with his hundreds of thousands of dead, Nicolae Ceausescu's regime coming to settle on the ground prepared and cleaned by she. Others tried to apologize for the horrors of the Ceausescu era in the name of the alleged attachment to national values. The truth is that they were invoked and superlative only to strengthen the power of a group by resorting to a parade patriotism. In other words, the Communist regime in Romania, a totalitarian system based on the constant violation of human rights, on the supremacy of an ideology hostile to open society, on the monopoly of the power exercised by a small group of individuals, on repression, intimidation, humiliation and corruption. Romania suffered the consequences of the Leninist dogmas: forced industrialization, based on a vivid economic model that favored heavy industry; the liquidation of private property, associated with the brutal policy of collectivization of agriculture; the destruction of traditional values in the name of a false social modernization; the methodical control over the social space, the intimate life of the citizens (especially through the natalist politics of N. Ceausescu's dictatorship). The private sphere was thus almost completely annexed by the totalitarian party / state. Everyday life in state socialism was invaded by propaganda and control elements dictated by the party.
