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Iron Law of Oligarchy 2021-07-18 22:26:50

Political parties: A sociological study of oligarchical tendencies in modern democracy

By Robert Michels

This is a great book. The author proposed the Iron Law of Oligarchy. Any social system, be it a company, a party, a country, will be controlled by a small minority of people. It doesn’t matter what is the supposed purpose of your organization. Your party might fight for equality for all. Your organization might fight against the dictators. But in the end, your organization will be dominated by a small minority.

The following are some quotes from the book.

 

in modern party life aristocracy gladly presents itself in democratic guise, whilst the substance of democracy is permeated with aristocratic elements. On the one side we have aristocracy in a democratic form, and on the other democracy with an aristocratic content.

The democratic external form which characterizes the life of political parties may readily veil from superficial observers the tendency towards aristocracy, or rather towards oligarchy, which is inherent in all party organization. (P 13)

In the society of today, the state of dependence that results from the existing economic and social conditions renders an ideal democracy impossible. (P 14)

 

all classes which have ever attained to dominion have earnestly endeavored to transmit to their descendants such political power as they have been able to acquire. The hereditary transmission of political power has always been the most efficacious means of maintaining class rule. (P 14)

 

Chapter 2. The Ethical Embellishment of Social Struggles.

 

No one seriously engaged in historical studies can have failed to perceive that all classes which have ever attained to dominion have earnestly endeavored to transmit to their descendants such political power as they have been able to acquire. The hereditary transmission of political power has always been the most efficacious means of maintaining class rule. Thus there is displayed in this field the same historical process which in the domain of the sexual life has given rise to the bourgeois family-order and its accessories, the indissolubility of marriage, the severe penalties inflicted upon the adulterous wife, and the right of primogeniture. In so far as we can draw sound conclusions from the scanty prehistoric data that are available, it seems that the bourgeois family owes its genesis to the innate tendency of man, as soon as he has attained a certain degree of economic well-being, to transmit his possessions by inheritance to the legitimate son whom he can with reasonable certainty regard as his own. The same tendency prevails in the field of politics, where it is kept active by all the peculiar and inherent instincts of mankind, and where it is vigorously nourished by an economic order based upon private property in the means of production, and in which therefore, by a natural and psychological analogy, political power comes also to be considered as an object of private hereditary ownership. In the political field, as everywhere else, the paternal instinct to transmit this species of property to the son has been always strongly manifest throughout historic time. This has been one of the principal causes of the replacement of elective monarchy by hereditary monarchy. The desire to maintain a position acquired by the family in society has at all times been so intense that, as Gaetano Mosca has aptly noted, whenever certain members of the dominant class have not been able to have sons of their own (as, for example, was the case with the prelates of the Roman Church), there has arisen with spontaneous and dynamic force the institution of nepotism, as an extreme manifestation of the impulse to self-maintenance and to hereditary transmission.10

In a twofold manner aristocracy has introduced itself quite automatically in those states also from which it seemed to be excluded by constitutional principles, by historical considerations, or by reason of the peculiarities of national psychology  — alike by way of a revived tradition and by way of the birth of new economic forces. The North Americans, democrats, living under a republican regime and knowing nothing of titles of nobility, by no means delivered themselves from aristocracy when they shook off the power of the English crown. This phenomenon is in part the simple effect of causes that have come into existence quite recently, such as capitalist concentration (with its associated heaping-up of the social power in the hands of the few and consequent formation of privileged minorities), and the progressive reconciliation of the old and rigid republican spirit with the ideas, the prejudices, and the ambitions of ancient Europe. The existence of an aristocracy of millionaires, railway kings, oil kings, cattle kings, etc., is now indisputable. But even at a time when the youthful democracy and the freedom of America had only just been sealed with the blood of its citizens, it was, difficult (so we learn from Alexis de Tocqueville) to find a single American who did not plume himself with an idle vanity upon belonging to one of the first families which had colonized American soil.11 So lively was “aristocratic prejudice” among these primitive republicans! Even at the present day the old families which are Dutch by name and origin constitute in the State of New York a stratum whose aristocratic preeminence is uncontested, a class of patricians lacking the outward attributes of nobility.

When, in the latter half of the seventeenth century, the French bourgeoisie was vigorously pressing upward, it knew no better how to adapt itself to its changed environment than by aping the usages, the mode of life, the tastes, and even the mentality of the feudal nobility. In 1670 Molière wrote his splendid comedy, Le Bourgeois gentilhomme. The Abbé de Choisy, who belonged to the noblesse de robe, and whose ancestors had filled the distinguished offices of Maître des Requêtes and Conseiller d'Etat, relates that his mother had given him as a maxim of conduct that he should be careful to frequent none but aristocratic salons.12 With the fervor of the novice, the new arrivals assimilated the spirit and the principles of the class hitherto dominant, and the distinguished members of the bourgeoisie who had entered the service of the state, which was still predominantly feudal, hastened to take new names. The Fouquets, the Le Telliers, the Colberts, the Phélippeaux, and the Desmarets, became the Belle-Isles, the de Louvois, the Seignelays, the de Maurepas, the de Lavrillières, and the de Maillebois.13 In modern Germany, under our very eyes, there has for the last forty years been proceeding an absorption of the young industrial bourgeoisie into the old aristocracy of birth and the process has of late been enormously accelerated.14 The German bourgeoisie is becoming feudalized. Here the only result of the emancipation of the roturier has been to reinvigorate his old enemy the noble by the provision of new blood and new economic energy. The enriched bourgeois have no higher ambition than to fuse with the nobility, in order to derive from this fusion a kind of legitimate title for their connection with the dominant class, a title which can then be represented, not as acquired, but as existing by hereditary right. Thus we see that the hereditary principle (even when purely fictitious) greatly accelerates the process of social “training,” accelerates, that is to say, the adaption of the new social forces to the old aristocratic environment. In the violent struggle between the new class of those who are rising and the old stratum of those who are undergoing a decadence partly apparent and partly real — a struggle at times waged with dramatic greatness, but often proceeding obscurely, so as hardly to attract attention — moral considerations are drawn into the dance, and pulled this way and that by the various contending parties, who use them in order to mask their true aims. In an era of democracy, ethics constitute a weapon which everyone can employ. In the old regime, the members of the ruling class and those who desired to become rulers continually spoke of their own personal rights. Democracy adopts a more diplomatic, a more prudent course. It has rejected such claims as unethical. Today, all the factors of public life speak and struggle in the name of the people, of. the community at large. The government and rebels against the government, kings and the party-leaders, tyrants by the grace of God and usurpers, rabid idealists and calculating self-seekers, all are “the people,” and all declare that in their actions they merely fulfil the will of the nation.

Thus, in the modern life of the classes and of the nations, moral considerations have become an accessory, a necessary fiction. Every government endeavors to support its power by a general ethical principle. The political forms in which the various social movements become crystallized also assume a philanthropic mask. There is not a single one among the young class-parties which fails, before starting on its march for the conquest of power, to declare solemnly to the world that its aim is to redeem, not so much itself as the whole of humanity, from the yoke of tyrannical minority, and to substitute for the old and inequitable regime a new reign of justice. Democracies are always glib talkers. Their terminology is often comparable to a tissue of metaphors. The demagogue, that spontaneous fruit of democratic soil, overflows with sentimentality, and is profoundly moved by the sorrows of the people. “The victims nurse their words, the executioners are drunk on their tearful philosophy,”15 writes Alphonse Daudet in this connection. Every new social class, when it gives the signal for an attack upon the privileges of a class already in possession of economic and political power, inscribes upon its banners the motto: “The Liberation of the entire Human Race!” When the young French bourgeoisie was girding its loins for the great struggle against the nobles and the clergy, it began with the solemn Declaration des Droits de I'Homme, and hurled itself into the fray with the war-cry Liberté Egalité, Fraternité! Today we can ourselves hear the spokesmen of another great class-movement, that of the wage-earners, announce that they undertake the class-struggle from no egoistic motives, but on the contrary in order to exclude such motives for ever from the social process. For the refrain of its Hymn of Progress modern socialism ever reiterates the proud words: “Creation of a humane and fraternal society in which class will be unknown!”

Comment: The whole chapter 2 is so good. I copy a big chunk.

 

Socialism does not signify everything by the people, but everything for the people. (P. 60)

Comments: Propaganda about socialism is more honest than Lincoln.

In parallelism with the corresponding phenomena in industrial and commercial life, it is evident that with the growth of working-class organization there must be an accompanying growth in the value, the importance, and the authority of the leaders. The principle of the division of labor creates specialism, and it is with good reason that the necessity for expert leadership has been compared with that which gives rise to specialism in the medical profession and in technical chemistry. Specialism, however, implies authority. Just as the patient obeys the doctor, because the doctor knows better than the patient, having made a special study of the human body in health and disease, so must the political patient submit to the guidance of his party leaders, who possess a political competence impossible of attainment by the rank and file. (P 61)

 

Whenever the Catholics are in a minority, they become fervent partisans of liberty. (P 120)

 

Comment: The oppressed are naturally fervent partisans of liberty.

 

As soon as the new leaders have attained their ends, as soon as they have succeeded (in the name of the injured rights of the anonymous masses) in overthrowing the odious tyranny of their predecessors and in attaining to power in their turn, we see them undergo a transformation which renders them in every respect similar to the dethroned tyrants. (P 120)

 

All those whose material existence is thus threatened by modern economic developments endeavor to find safe situations for their sons, to secure for these a social position which shall shelter them from the play of economic forces. Employment under the state, with the important right to a pension which attaches to such employment, seems created expressly for their needs. The immeasurable demand for situations which results from these conditions, a demand which is always greater than the supply, creates the so-called “intellectual proletariat.” (P 121)

 

There are two classes of intellectuals. One consists of those who have succeeded in securing a post at the manger of the state, whilst the other consists of those who, as Scipio Sighele puts it, have assaulted the fortress without being able to force their way in. The former may be compared to an army of slaves who are always ready, in part from class egoism, in part for personal motives (the fear of losing their own situations), to undertake the defense of the state which provides them with bread. They do this whatever may be the question concerning which the state has been attacked and must therefore be regarded as the most faithful of its supporters. The latter, on the other hand, are sworn enemies of the state. They are those eternally restless spirits who lead the bourgeois opposition and in part also assume the leadership of the revolutionary parties of the proletariat. It is true that the state bureaucracy does not in general expand as rapidly as do the discontented elements of the middle class. None the less, the bureaucracy continually increases. It comes to assume the form of an endless screw. It grows ever less and less compatible with the general welfare. And yet this bureaucratic machinery remains essential. Through it alone can be satisfied the claim of the educated members of the population for secure positions. It is further a means of self-defense for the state. (P 121)

As the party bureaucracy increases, two elements which constitute the essential pillars of every socialist conception undergo an inevitable weakening: an understanding of the wider and more ideal cultural aims of socialism, and an understanding of the international multiplicity of its manifestations. Mechanism becomes an end in itself. The capacity for an accurate grasp of the peculiarities and the conditions of existence of the labor movement in other countries diminishes in proportion as the individual national organizations are fully developed. This is plain from a study of the mutual international criticisms of the socialist press. In the days of the so-called “socialism of the emigres,” the socialists devoted themselves to an elevated policy of principles, inspired by the classical criteria of internationalism. Almost every one of them was, if the term may be used, a specialist in this more general and comprehensive domain. The whole course of their lives, the brisk exchange of ideas on unoccupied evenings, the continued rubbing of shoulders between men of the most different tongues, the enforced isolation from the bourgeois world of their respective countries, and the utter impossibility of any “practical” action, all contributed to this result. But in proportion as, in their own country, paths of activity were opened for the socialists, at first for agitation and soon afterwards for positive and constructive work, the more did a recognition of the demands of the everyday life of the party divert their attention from immortal principles. Their vision gained in precision but lost in extent. The more cotton-spinners, boot and shoe operatives, or brushmakers the labor leader could gain each month for his union, the better versed he was in the tedious subtleties of insurance against accident and illness, the greater the industry he could display in the specialized question of factory inspection and of arbitration in trade disputes, the better acquainted he might be with the system of checking the amount of individual purchases in cooperative stores and with the methods for the control of the consumption of municipal gas, the more difficult was it for him to retain a general interest in the labor movement, even in. the narrowest sense of this term. As the outcome of inevitable psychophysiological laws, he could find little time and was likely to have little inclination for the study of the great problems of the philosophy of history, and all the more falsified consequently would become his judgment of international questions. At the same time he would incline more and more to regard every one as an “incompetent,” an “outsider,” an “unprofessional,” who might wish to judge questions from some higher outlook than the purely technical; he would incline to deny the good sense and even the socialism of all who might desire to fight upon another ground and by other means than those familiar to him within his narrow sphere as a specialist. This tendency towards an exclusive and all-absorbing specialization, towards the renunciation of all farreaching outlooks, is a general characteristic of modern evolution. With the continuous increase in the acquirements of scientific research, the polyhistor is becoming extinct. His place is taken by the writer of monographs. The universal zoologist no longer exists, and we have instead ornithologists and entomologists; and indeed the last become further subdivided into lepidopterists, coleopterists, myrmecologists. (P 123)

 

Bureaucracy is the sworn enemy of individual liberty, and of all bold initiative in matters of internal policy. The dependence upon superior authorities characteristic of the average employee suppresses individuality and gives to the society in which employees predominate a narrow petty-bourgeois and philistine stamp. The bureaucratic spirit corrupts character and engenders moral poverty. In every bureaucracy we may observe place-hunting, a mania for promotion, and obsequiousness towards those upon whom promotion depends; there is arrogance towards inferiors and servility towards superiors. (P 124)

The desire to dominate, for good or for evil, is universal.148 These are elementary psychological facts. (P 134)

To retain their influence over the masses the leaders study men, note their weaknesses and their passions, and endeavor to turn these to their own advantage. (P 134)

 

As far as concerns the leaders of bourgeois origin in the working-class parties, it may be said that they have adhered to the cause of the proletariat either on moral grounds, or from enthusiasm, or from scientific conviction. They crossed the Rubicon when they were still young students, still full of optimism and juvenile ardor. Having gone over to the other side of the barricade to lead the enemies of the class from which they sprang, they have fought and worked, now suffering defeats and now gaining victories. Youth has fled; their best years have been passed in the service of the party or of the ideal. They are ageing, and with the passing of youth, their ideals have also passed, dispersed by the contrarieties of daily struggles, often, too, expelled by newly acquired experiences which conflict with the old beliefs. Thus it has come to pass that many of the leaders are inwardly estranged from the essential content of socialism. Some of them carry on a difficult internal struggle against their own scepticism; others have returned, consciously or unconsciously, to the ideals of their presocialist youth.

 

Yet for those who have been thus disillusioned, no backward path is open. They are enchained by their own past. They have a family, and this family must be fed. Moreover, regard for their political good name makes them feel it essential to persevere in the old round. They thus remain outwardly faithful to the cause to which they have sacrificed the best years of their life. But, renouncing idealism, they have become opportunists. These former believers, these sometime altruists, whose fervent hearts aspired only to give themselves freely, have been transformed into sceptics and egoists whose actions are guided solely by cold calculation.

As we have previously seen, these new elements do not join the party with the declared or even the subconscious aim of attaining one day to leadership; their only motives have been the spirit of sacrifice and the love of battle. Visionaries, they see a brother in every comrade and a step towards the ideal in every party meeting. Since, however, in virtue of their superiority (in part congenital and in part acquired), they have become leaders, they are in the course of years enslaved by all the appetites which arise from the possession of power, and in the end are not to be distinguished from those among their colleagues who became socialists from ambition, from those who have from the first deliberately regarded the masses as no more than an instrument which they might utilize towards the attainment of their own personal ambitions. (P 136)

In many instances, in fact, reformism is no more than the theoretical expression, of the scepticism of the disillusioned, of the outwearied, of those who have lost their faith; it is the socialism of nonsocialists with a socialist past. (P 137)

Among the members of such a bureaucracy, there is hardly one who does not feel that a pin-prick directed against his own person is a crime committed against the whole state. (P 146)

Moreover, a sense of fatalism and a sad conviction of impotence exercise a paralyzing influence in social life. As long as an oppressed class is influenced by this fatalistic spirit, as long as it has failed to develop an adequate sense of social injustice, it is incapable of aspiring towards emancipation. It is not the simple existence .of oppressive conditions, but it is the recognition of these conditions by the oppressed, which in the course of history has constituted the prime factor of class struggles. (P 147)

In reality, ergomachia does not consist of a struggle between two categories distinguished by ethical characteristics, but is for the most part a war between the better-paid workers and the poorer strata of the proletariat. The latter, from the economic aspect, consist of those who are still economically unripe for a struggle with the employers to secure higher wages. We often hear the most poverty-stricken workers, conscious of their inferiority, content that their wages are high enough, whilst the better paid and organized workers declare that the unorganized are working at starvation rates. One of the most indefatigable of French socialist women has well said: “One is almost tempted to excuse the betrayals of these 'scabs' when one has seen with one's own eyes all the tragedy of the unemployed in England. In the large ports of the south and west, one sees, ranged along the wall of a dock, thousands and thousands of famished people, pale, trembling figures, who hope to be hired as dockers. A few dozen are needed. When the doors open, there is a terrible scramble, a veritable battle. Recently, one of these men, pressed on all sides, died of suffocation in the melee.”225 The organized workers, on their side, do not consider themselves obliged to exhibit solidarity towards the unorganized, even when they are all sharing a common poverty during crises of unemployment. (P 185)

 

The more fortunate workers do not only follow their natural inclination to fight by all available means against their less well-to-do comrades, who, by accepting lower wages, threaten the higher standard of life of the organized workers — using in the struggle, as always happens when economic interests conflict, methods which disregard every ethical principle. They also endeavor to hold themselves completely aloof. The union button is often, as it were, a patent of nobility which distinguishes its wearer from the plebs. This happens even when the unorganized workers would like nothing better than to make common cause with the organized. In almost all the larger British and American trade unions there is manifest a tendency to corporatism, to the formation of sharply distinguished working-class aristocracies.227 The trade unions, having become rich and powerful, no longer seek to enlarge their membership, but endeavor rather to restrict it by imposing a high entrance fee, by demanding a certificate of prolonged apprenticeship, and by other similar means, all deliberately introduced in order to retain certain privileges in their own hands at the expense of other workers following the same occupation. The anti-alien movement is the outcome of the same professional egoism, and is especially conspicuous among the Americans and Australians, who insist upon legislation to forbid the immigration of foreign workers. The trade unions in such cases adopt a frankly “nationalist” policy. In order to keep out the “undesirables” they do not hesitate to appeal for aid to the “class-state,” and they exercise upon the government a pressure which may lead their country to the verge of war with the labor-exporting land.228 In Europe, too, we may observe, although here to a less degree, the formation within the labor movement of closed groups and coteries (and it is in this that the tendency to oligarchy consist), which arise in direct conflict with the theoretical principles of socialism. The workers employed at the Naples arsenal, who recently demanded of the government that “a third of the new places to be filled should be allotted to the sons of existing employees who are following their fathers' trade,”229 are in sentiment by no means so remote from the world of our day as might at first be imagined. As has been well said, “The goal of the class struggle is to raise the lower classes to the level of the upper class. This is why revolutions frequently succeed, not in democratizing the classes, but in making the democrats class-conscious.” (P 186)

 

If a struggle becomes inevitable, the leader undertakes prolonged negotiations with the enemy; the more protracted these negotiations, the more often is his name repeated in the newspapers and by the public. If he continues to express “reasonable opinions,” he may be sure of securing at once the praise of his opponents and (in most cases) the admiring gratitude of the crowd. (P 193)

  

With a genuinely scientific scepticism it has stripped away the veils which conceal the power exercised by the democracy in the state, showing that this power is really no more than the hegemony of a minority, and demonstrating that it is in acute opposition with the needs of the working class. (P 218)

 

 

 

 

 


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【Science (11)】
· Why are the primary colors red
· Humans and germs: A systematic
· Why Demonize Carbon?
· Evidence in Scientific Researc
· The wisdom of the body: Immune
· Action or inaction
· Small molecules as catalysts
· A question about ivermectin (a
· Weakness in left arm and heart
【Reading (5)】
· 卡夫卡
· The fourth phase of water by G
· Critique of Hegel's Philo
· On the Jewish Question by Karl
· The Great Leveler: Violence an
· The Case Against Education by
· Some information on Korean War
· Monopoly Capital By Baran and
· Iron Law of Oligarchy
· Richard Cantillon: An Essay on
【Language (13)】
· 新和创新
· Kill and skill, laughter and s
· 平庸之恶?
· Vici, vicious and vicinity
· 敖和傲
· Double consonants
· 妇好 和 Frau
· 要,腰,west, waist
· 左右
· 山口 Yamaguchi
【science (10)】
· How to reduce noise from refri
· How do mRNA vaccines work?
· On Norbert Wiener
· What is the goal of scientific
· Oxy is acid
· New developments on the origin
· Shall we immunize for every di
· Prime Numbers and the Riemann
· 爆发力和耐力
· Measured and actual expected l
【Language (12)】
· 几个关于疆土的词
· 汉字传播时一个有趣的现象
· 禾
· 双和对
· 豪杰和浩劫
· Bear, ours and ursus
· 隋朝的杨家
· East, Easter, yeast
· Why Indo-European languages sp
· Poplar, popular, populus, popu
【History】
· The wonder of the promised lan
· Alexander the Great
· Easter on East
· Authority and Authoritarian Ru
· Seima-Turbino and ancient Chin
· 麦与来:小麦的传播
· 远古简史
· Why is the pincer formation so
· 春秋时代的几个人名
· 神话:神秘的史话
【Reading (4)】
· Dark Matter, a movie
· Politician or scientist: Who l
· The Bit Player: A Documentary
· One flew over the cuckoo'
· The Trial by Franz Kafka
· Ulysses by James Joyce
· The Economic Consequence of th
· The Philosophy of Nietzsche by
· The Philosophy of Schopenhauer
· The Philosophy of David Hume b
【Finance2】
· Hedge: The best hedging
· On the Theoretical Foundation
· John Williams and The Theory o
· What is finance?
· MM Theory:A Societal Perspecti
· Organisations as organisms
· To invest is to vest in
· On the Broad Impacts of Pensio
· Diversification and concentrat
· On equity owners and debt owne
【Health (4)】
· Acupuncture points and meridia
· On depression
· Notes on physiology and health
· Omicron spreading in nations w
· Humans and germs: An ecosystem
· What is Qi
· Salt
【Poems (12)】
· 努力的奴隶
· Public and publican
· Like and dislike
· Strive and strife
· Story and history
· The rulers and the ruled
· Swamp and wetland
· Old and cold
· Impotent and Important
· Pretend and pretender
【Reading (3)】
· The Problem of China by Bertra
· This side of paradise
· The Unbearable Lightness of Be
· One Hundred Years of Solitude
· Wolyn: The best movie about Wo
· The Unbearable Lightness of Be
· On the origin of species by Ch
· Descent of Man, by Charles Dar
· We and Zamyatin
· Comments on Apocalypse Never
【Non-equilibrium】
· Entropy: In intuitive Introduc
· A reflection on the theories o
· 新能源的社会成本
· 守恒定律在社会科学中的应用
· 有趣的化学
· 当代没有科学大师吗?
【Quantum theory】
· 关于量子理论
· A generalization of quantum th
· Quantum mechanics and Riemann
· What is quantum mechanics
· Where does hope come from
· How solar cells work?
· Why LED lights are more effici
· An Introduction to Quantum Mec
· Fourier transform and uncertai
· 一些物理和数学中基本概念的直观
【Carbon and climate】
· Carbon Dioxide and Carrying Ca
· Noah’s ark and global warming
· Carbon: The Foundation of Life
· George Orwell: The Road to Wig
· Carbon dioxide and vegetation
· Cap and trade
· Ivar Giaever:
· Carbon: The backbone of life
【The Crown (a fiction)】
· The Crown (edited and combined
· The crown (End)
· The Crown (4)
· The Crown (3)
· The Crown (2)
· The Crown (1)
【杂谈 (四)】
· Competition
· Young Marx (青年马克思)
· The philosophy of Wittgenstein
· Panama Canal and Darien Gap
· From No Human Is Illegal to No
· Why all belief systems (except
· A message from my daughter
· On the philosophy of Kant
· Is this true
· 文亮华夏,武暗九州
【Virus and vaccine】
· Is it healthy to sterilize our
· Natural vaccines
· Consensus is not equal to trut
· New York City and coronaviruse
· Human beings as part of the ec
· A re-examination of models of
· Demographics and Pandemics
· The economy of RNA life
· Broad spectrum medicines
· 苯酚用于预防和治疗新冠肺炎
【语言(十一)】
· 词语和方言
· Who is a radical
· Lee and leeway
· Wisdom of the language
· Maked or made: When to break r
· How to take a rest?
· 汉语和英语:读音的相似,可能的原
· 到来和稻麦
· 关于李丹的语言学研究
【科学(九)】
· 天才是什么?
· Power is money
· 薛定谔的猫
· Red and yellow flowers: Which
· The economy of RNA and DNA
· My World View
· How kidneys get rid of acids f
· 李跃华医生注射液中苯酚的含量
· How our bodies maintain PH bal
· Why atomic groups usually are
【诗词(十一)】
· Only the powerful can proclaim
· Looting and ruling
· embryo and embroil
· scold, cold, old
· Gain and lose
· Rest
· Your pleasure is my pressure
· Are we getting more honest ove
· Understand and overlook
· A homage to our home
【故事】
· Crying wolf
· Trees and grasses
【诗词(十)】
· When the sun rises
· Observe and serve
· Sorrow
· Drift
· 对错和是非
· Illusion and disillusion
· V is for Valley
· Dead stove
· Word and sword
· Yes is for yesterday
【旅行(二)】
· Koreshan State Park
· How Arizona can sustain such a
· Redwood, Eureka and Klamath (A
· A Short Trip to US
· Two different worlds
· Granville Island
【政治(二)】
· The purpose of government mand
· Why are criminals pampered by
· Why democracy is so fragile?
· 疫情时代的人口
· Difference between US and Cana
· On being conservative
· On Churchill
【科学(八)】
· Why acid can break down molecu
· Blood types, immune systems an
· 实验室制造的新型病毒: 对人类的
· 从侏罗纪公园说起
· How to make revolutionary idea
· On clean energy industries
· Measurement of fertility rate
【诗词(九)】
· Winter sun
· Old tree
· Victor or victim
· Lie, belie, believe
· 心
· Fall
· fine
· Going
· Love
· The most healthy food
【读书(二)】
· Fall of civilizations podcast
· 1984
· 读《夏商新考》
· East wind: Perspectives from t
· Elizabeth Barrett Browning: He
· Congo by Michael Crichton
· Kipling as a parent
· Some books about economics and
· How good were Charles Pearson’
· Brave New World
【语言(十)】
· 驾驭
· 慕容和 moron
· Religion
· Pastor: The lord of pasture
· 打 call 的英语是什么?
· What is knowledge? What is fat
· Now and yesterday
· 桑干河和 sungei
· Heyday
· Farsi, Parsi and Persian
【旅行】
· A fancy meal
· Kayaking in Ucluelet
· Where is the exit?
· Your fear is smarter than you
· Be a tourist in our own city
· How many red rivers are there?
· Dams
· Differential impacts of slow a
· Getting bored?
· On the road
【读书】
· The story of civilization (Com
· Hillbilly Elegy
· Bernhard Riemann: Turning poin
· Galbraith on new ideas
· Psychology of finance (Some q
· Timeline by Michael Crichton
· Reading Money: Whence it came,
· Capitalism, socialism and demo
· Music: a mathematical offering
· A book about Riemann hypothesi
【经济(五)】
· To maximize utility is to maxi
· Pareto optimal: Whose optimal?
· comment on Nobel Prize in Econ
· 关于阿罗-德布理论
· Is gold standard viable in tod
· Beyond Growth: Toward a New Ec
· On creating wealth
· Renaissance and Reformation
· 贸易不平衡的起因和解决方法
· On universal basic income
【诗词(八)】
· Ex and in
· Apprehend and apprehensive
· Poems about old age
· Host
· Insulate
· The default choice is to defau
· Traps and trappings
· No comfort without fort
· Sword and word
· Quest
【语言(九)】
· Nostalgia
· 徐江伟的历史理论
· 楚和梦
· Advice and vice
· Principle, principal and inter
· 狼
· Tribute
· Illusion and disillusion
· The gorges are gorgeous
· When June met August
【金融】
· Passive investment strategy an
· The size of your generation an
· Why it is optimal to be optimi
· Debt is an added risk
· Should arithmetic or geometric
· What constitute risk free asse
· A brief introduction to the se
· How to measure return
· The Big Short
【科学(七)】
· What is the meaning of life ex
· 一个不会摄影的人的感悟
· What we need, big data or big
· 进化理论的数学模型
· On inequality
· Grass from the old world and t
· 人类的平均寿命能到一百岁吗?
【人口(三)】
· 一个社会人口中位年龄的趋势
· 鼓励生育的政策能提高生育率吗?
· 政府,家庭,和人口结构
· 从无籽西瓜说起
· 从炒股谈起
· The meaning of life
【诗词(七)】
· Edge
· Remember
· The power
· Truth in science and religion
· Happy in the backyard
· 野心
· Gene
· Intend
· RIP
· Nagging from an old man
【语言(八)】
· H, 日和 Helio
· Duo and double means two
· Good, gooder; bad, better
· 相似的形状,相似的读音,相关的
· 家
· 新年话创新
· Language, languish, anguish
· 钟表
· How to learn English effective
· 不通则痛,通则不痛
【科学(六)】
· 请教一个统计学的问题
· 数学及其应用
· On amateur and academic resear
【经济(四)】
· How much we need to save for r
· How pension system destroys ou
· Shall we buy insurance?
· An Entropy Theory of Value
· Total value of gold and some
【音乐】
· Suo Gan
· Mainstream rappers
· A Candle in the Wind
· 缺憾之美
· Swing low
· Going home
· River of no return
· Raw and refined: Two versions
【经济(三)】
· Own something small wholly or
· Money as a performance enhance
· How much we pay for retirement
· How to reduce anxiety over fi
· How to trim a tree or an econo
· A critique of economic theory
· The most depressing (exciting)
· On the concepts of earning, in
· 数学:应用和乐趣 (修订版)
【诗词(六)】
· Spring up and fall down
· Press
· Within and Without
· Verse
· Front
· Heroine and Heroin
· Sterilize
· Win
· Low
· Port
【诗词(五)】
· Pet and Pest
· Ease
· 忘,妄,望
· Seasons
· Envelope and develop
· Sorrow
· Home
· Haze
· Ex and Re
· Edge
【科学(五)】
· Why highly educated women and
· On the concept of perfectness
· Reflection from a riddle
· On averaging denominators
· Integrating mathematical finan
· 苦难是最好的学校
· Read The need for a new public
· The earth is a gigantic batter
【语言(七)】
· 想象和相象
· 汉语和英语读音的相似
· 双字词的来源
· 标致和婊子
· Credible and Incredible
· 英语和汉语类似的构词法
· Lect
· Excite and Incite
· Forget and For Get
· Lax and relax
【杂谈(三)】
· 经纬和泾渭
· Heretics are true believers
· Faith or good deeds
· 养儿还是育女?
· Should adult children stay wit
· 女儿制作的录像
· 儿子唱的rap
· 女儿带着女儿来看我们,写的一段
· Frills
【语言(六)】
· 腿脚和退却
· Copulate, copy, populate
· Emergence and emergency
· I am, I love
· Invent
· Prevent
· Repair
· Tart and top, start and stop
· S is about
· 同样的世界,不同的视角
【诗词(四)】
· On the wisdom of wisdom teeth
· Stalin Rap to Hitler and Mao
· 夕阳
· Sunshine
· Temp
· Longing
· Part
· Omen
· Winter night in the north
· An Old Car
【诗词(三)】
· Snow
· My Dear Sun
· When
· Cut Bank
· When you try
· Winter in the deep north
· 你家的月亮
· Good bye, my friends
· 当生命之火慢慢熄灭
· 公猫
【语言(五)】
· 兴趣,利益和利息
· Over 和 Overture
· Ruler
· Inspire and Expire
· 哥哥的歌
· Rest
· Decadence and decay
· 阀:大人物是干什么的?
· 奴隶的心
· 为什么我们喜欢压韵?
【语言 (四)】
· Screw and screwed
· 黄
· Kind
· Sun and moon
· Free
· Norm, normal and Normans
· Bella and bellum
· Two meanings of like
· What is a theory?
· What is man?
【经济 (二)】
· Reading James Galbraith’s The
· 为他人作嫁衣裳:贸易强国的共同
· 什么是内需不足?
· 关于持续的贸易不平衡
· A long tradition to connect th
· On persistent trade imbalance
· On green economy
· What are rights: Some reflecti
· On Risk Management
· 怎样计算股票的融资成本和预期回
【杂谈 (二)】
· There is more brainwashing in
· 看女儿
· 女儿初为人母
· Weather and climate
· 老三的一篇短文
· When defects become an advanta
· Service of necessities and ser
· 女儿的帖子
· 荷花和塘泥
【科学(四)】
· Predictions in social sciences
· 数学的现状和未来
· Social structures: A perspecti
· 温度和情绪 (temperature and t
· Learning, memory and decision
· The Least Action Principle: It
· When an electron falls to a pr
· 为什么鱼比肉更容易煮熟?
· 一篇关于The Unity of Science a
【诗词(二)】
· I’d rather
· 日暮
· 池塘里的污泥
· Over and under
· Bond and bondage
· 夕阳
· Dandelion
· 早点睡觉
· 在我慢慢褪色的世界里
· 狮的低吟,诗的回声
【语言(三)】
· 相似的单词,不同的意思
· 小米和 millet
· AM is love
· 什么是不够
· Easter: 词的来源
· 论所谓的正能量 (On being posit
· Terr 是土地
· Radical 的意思是什么?
· 努力的奴隶
· Tri 是三
【诗词】
· 风筝:孩子离家
· 篝火
· 落日:致老去的人们
· 杜达尔和玛丽亚
· Deep North
· Driving crazy
· 燃烧和发烧
· 满月的冬夜
· 献给空巢的父母
· Burning and burn out
【健康(三)】
· Mentally stimulating
· On obsessive compulsive disord
· 吃盐和生育
· Ginger and gingerly
· Principle Based Medicine
· Why we need pain?
· 关于自闭症
· 健康的定义
· 针灸的原理
· 情感的守恒定律
【科学(三)】
· 数学及其在社会科学中的应用
· 为什么光线弱的地方会觉得浪漫?
· 美是平均,美是不变的性质
· 颜色和温度
· 简洁就是美
· 栖息之地:健康的树和濒死的树
· 落红不是无情物,化作春泥更护花
· 为什么肥沃的土地上很难找到先锋
· 不平等,效率和系统维护成本
· 生物学的统一理论
【语言(二)】
· 论精美
· 铁 (fer)
· 家
· 我,倭,和,we
· 鹪鹩,娇娆,wren, 人,文
· 牡丹,Botan, Botany
· 人多则移
· 英语中的几个象形词
· 他和它
· 趣味英语:一个不引人注意的前缀
【科学(二)】
· 基因突变不是完全偶然的
· 生物学和生态学的结合
· Energy consumption and cost
· 人类的平均寿命能到一百岁吗?
· 蝴蝶效应并不存在 (兼论偏微分
· 科学与经济学的统一
· 意识: 一个经济学和物理学的理论
· 诺奖得主年龄的变迁
· 学科细分: 社会停滞和衰退的表征
【健康(二)】
· On cortisol and other drugs
· 为什么负氧离子有益健康
· 吃冰和减肥
· 实用生理学
· 为什么晒太阳有好处?
· 为什么练功经常用圆型姿式?
· 脉搏中包含多少信息?
· 外科手术不伤身体吗?
· 头痛医脚
· 怎样才能改善内脏的功能
【人口(二)】
· 政府的法律和自然的法律
· 出生率,平均寿命,生活水平和社
· Holmes stories: The number of
· 个体年龄和社会年龄
· 多子多福
· 人口塌陷: 真正的悲剧
· 华人的高智商和低生育率
· 走出非洲
· 生命就是竞争
· 什么是文化
【人口】
· 聪明的代价:亚当和夏娃的故事
· 为什么大道至简
· 论移民
· 人口问题文章的一个汇总
· 人口警报?
· 人口红利和人口投资
· 多生孩子: 靠政策,还是靠自己?
· 华而不实和春华秋实
· 劝君莫惜金缕衣,劝君惜取少年时
· 政府越大,出生率越低
【政治】
· 关于全民基本收入
· 六四还是六三?
· Iron and blood
· 华人参政不够踊跃吗?
· 谁得益于大政府?兼论美国大选
· 印一百元假钞是犯罪,印一万亿真
· 量化宽松和猪肉注水
· 百年大势和英国脱欧
【杂谈】
· 搭错车
· 龙图腾的含义
· 个体的肥胖和社会的肥胖
· 在什么年纪,做什么事情
· 早晨出行和下午出行
· 男学生在哪里?
· 贱和基本
· 少数的重要性
【经济】
· 效用函数是什么样子的?
· 经济学理论不应该建立在拓扑学基
· 谁是二十世纪最伟大的经济学家?
· 谁是十九世纪最伟大的经济学家?
· 非平衡态经济学理论简介
· 凯恩斯主义适用的环境
· 从日本的负利率谈起
· 关于利率
· 生产过程各要素之间的关系
· 平衡态和非平衡态经济学
【加拿大】
· 一个登山爱好者的历险 (附视频
· 回归
· 海达圭游记
· 天尽头
· 红河谷歌词的变迁
· 洄游的三文鱼
· 碧西(BC)的风景和阿省的风景
· 中加教育比较
【语言】
· 决定和 decide
· 仇的两种读法
· 小儿子教我读书
· 汉语单词的起源
· 舒服和束缚
· 姓张的人为什么这么多?
· 纽,妞,丑,new, 牛
· 姜太公的故事
· 语言的产生和演变
【科学】
· 科学研究:缺的是钱吗?
· 数学:应用和乐趣
· 汉字和科学研究
· 社会生物学与社会
· 有趣的化学
· 蒲公英和科学研究
· 当代没有科学大师吗?
· 数学,美和现实
· 现实世界:理解数学的金钥匙
【健康】
· 按摩脚底为什么这么重要?
· 中医的疗效(续)
· 从蛋白质的不同分解途径看痛风的
· 中医的疗效
· 从哮喘的治疗谈预防
· 实用生理学
· 什么是酸性食物?
· 肥胖和内脏功能
· 呼吸的方法
· 关于抑郁
【科学与经济】
· 阅读The Unity of Science and E
· 信息和熵的等价性
· 知觉的简单和数学的简单
· 一流的研究: 真那么难吗?
存档目录
2024-03-03 - 2024-03-28
2024-02-04 - 2024-02-28
2024-01-01 - 2024-01-23
2023-12-02 - 2023-12-27
2023-11-12 - 2023-11-26
2023-10-31 - 2023-10-31
2023-09-04 - 2023-09-25
2023-08-04 - 2023-08-15
2023-07-03 - 2023-07-31
2023-06-01 - 2023-06-28
2023-05-03 - 2023-05-30
2023-04-05 - 2023-04-30
2023-03-03 - 2023-03-26
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