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The Great Leveler: Violence and the History 2021-12-27 08:07:58

The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality 

         Walter Scheidel


Violence is the only effective tool in human interaction. The author provides ample evidence to support his argument. This is a great book with many well researched examples.


The following are some quotes. 

 

Get rid of the rich and you will find no poor.” De Divitiis

Chapter 1

Violent shocks were of paramount importance in disrupting the established order, in compressing the distribution of income and wealth, in narrowing the gap between rich and poor. Throughout recorded history, the most powerful leveling invariably resulted from the most powerful shocks. Four different kinds of violent ruptures have flattened inequality: mass mobilization warfare, transformative revolution, state failure, and lethal pandemics. I call these the Four Horsemen of Leveling. Just like their biblical counterparts, they went forth to “take peace from the earth” and “kill with sword, and with hunger, and with death, and with the beasts of the earth.” Sometimes acting individually and sometimes in concert with one another, they produced outcomes that to contemporaries often seemed nothing short of apocalyptic. Hundreds of millions perished in their wake. And by the time the dust had settled, the gap between the haves and the have-nots had shrunk, sometimes dramatically. (Introduction)

Yet shocks abate. When states failed, others sooner or later took their place. Demographic contractions were reversed after plagues subsided, and renewed population growth gradually returned the balance of labor and capital to previous levels. The world wars were relatively short, and their aftereffects have faded over time: top tax rates and union density are down, globalization is up, communism is gone, the Cold War is over, and the risk of World War III has receded. All of this makes the recent resurgence of inequality easier to understand. The traditional violent levelers currently lie dormant and are unlikely to return in the foreseeable future. No similarly potent alternative mechanisms of equalization have emerged. 

Some societies that underwent violent ruptures were not particularly unequal: prerevolutionary China is one example. 

Chapter 6

 It is striking that the wealthiest members of the citizenry were not taxed proportionate to the size of their fortunes, let alone in a straightforwardly progressive manner. The scheme placed the heaviest burden on the upper reaches of the commoner population instead of on the wealth elite. 

Comment: It is the same today. The middle class is taxed most heavily.

Chapter 7

  Whereas the redistributive measures in Central America and even Vietnam were relatively nonviolent by the horrific standards set by Lenin, Stalin, and Mao, the opposite was true of Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge. Even in the absence of conventional metrics there can be no doubt that violent government intervention led to massive leveling across the country. The hasty evacuation of the cities within a week of the communists’ victory in 1975 displaced up to half of the Cambodian population, including all residents of the capital Phnom Penh. Considering that urban– rural income variation tends to be an important element of national inequality, this was bound to have a significant compression effect. Urban residents were counted among the “New People,” who were treated as class enemies and deported, often several times. The regime sought to “proletarianize” them by seizing their possessions: they lost their assets in stages, first during evacuation and then when stripped by peasants and cadres at their destinations. After they settled in the countryside, the state tried to keep them from consuming the crops they struggled to grow. Loss of life was enormous—probably close to 2 million people, or a quarter of Cambodia’s entire population. Attrition was disproportionately concentrated among city dwellers: some 40 percent of Phnom Penh’s inhabitants were dead four years later. Former officials and high-ranking soldiers were singled out for particularly harsh treatment. At the same time, the emergence of a new elite was curtailed by ever-expanding purges of party cadres. For example, 16,000 members of the Communist Party of Kampuchea were killed at the infamous Tuol Sleng prison alone, a tally all the more remarkable when considering that party membership had reached no more than 14,000 in 1975. Among the general population, the causes of excess deaths were fairly evenly split among ruralization, executions, imprisonment, and hunger and disease. Hundreds of thousands were murdered hidden from public view, most often beaten to death with blows to the head by iron bars, ax handles, or farm tools. Some of the corpses of the killed were used as fertilizer.

Chapter 9

Indicators of physical well-being such as body height and the incidence of dental and bone lesions did indeed improve with the fall of the western Roman Empire. This suggests that ordinary people were in better shape than they had been under imperial rule.   

  What concerns us here is a more specific question: whether and how the fall of the central government and subsequent fragmentation of the country affected income and wealth inequality. Owing to the shortcomings of the evidence, any answer to this question inevitably involves a great deal of uncertainty and needs to be taken with more than just a grain of salt. That said, there are various indications that when viewed in a broader regional context, stateless Somalia has been doing reasonably well not just in terms of economic development but also in terms of inequality. The reason for this seemingly counterintuitive finding lies in the fact that conditions up to 1991 were extremely unfavorable for much of the country’s inhabitants. Under the rule of Siad Barre from 1969 to 1991, the extraction of resources for the benefit of the dictator and his allies was the single most important purpose of government. Despite his initial avowed policy of clanlessness, Barre came to favor his own clan and others that supported him while treating others with brutality and targeting them for expropriation. Violence on an increasingly large scale was meted out to opposing groups. Land reform benefited politicians and well-connected urban businessmen. State officials and cronies stripped nationalized businesses of their assets and siphoned off much of public spending, 90 percent of which eventually went to administration and the military. Foreign aid, driven up by Cold War rivalries and the manipulation of refugee numbers, was diverted to the regime. Corruption was extreme even by the unenviable standards of the region. Senior officials and the Barre family robbed the reserves of the largest banks, ultimately driving them into bankruptcy. A single nationalized bank catered to a politically connected elite, and the deliberate overvaluation of the Somali currency benefited affluent consumers of imports at the expense of exports by the poor, such as meat. Operating a “gatekeeper state,” the Barre regime controlled the flow of wealth in and out of the country. In the aggregate, these nefarious interventions created inequality both within Mogadishu and between the capital and the rest of the country. Spending on social services was minimal. Thus even though a centralized government was in place, public goods were mostly provided by the informal sector and local bodies or groups, such as clan networks. Pastoralists, the majority of the labor force, were at best ignored and at worst exploited by the regime; they received hardly any public funds. 39 Under these circumstances, the loss of state structures had no major effect on the provision of public goods. Fission even reduced violence, especially in the period between the withdrawal of foreign forces in 1995 and the Ethiopian invasion of 2006: violent conflict was concentrated in the years when the state actually fell apart, from 1990 to 1995, and when efforts to rebuild it first gathered momentum, from 2006 to 2009. Although warlords and militias extracted rents from civilians, constrained by scale and competition they did so to a lesser degree than the previous dictatorship, and taxation and obstacles to trade and business activity were much lower than before. As a result, Somalia has repeatedly outperformed or tied both its immediate neighbors as well as a comparison set of West African countries on various measures of living standards. Most development indicators improved after the collapse of the state, and the only main exceptions, school enrollment and adult literacy, were more affected by the decline in foreign aid than by any changes in state services. A comparison between Somalia and forty-one other sub-Saharan countries for thirteen measures of development shows that although Somalia ranked poorly on all documented indicators in the final years of statehood, it has since made progress not only in absolute terms but also, and more remarkably, relative to many of these other states. This is true in comparison both with countries that had been at peace and those that experienced wars at approximately the same time as Somalia. 40 Two factors can be expected to have depressed Somali inequality after state collapse: (1) the disappearance of a relatively unified national wealth and power elite that had greatly benefited from rent extraction and (2) the cessation of systematic policies of discrimination against the rural majority in favor of urban businesses and state officials. For what it is worth, the tiny amount of empirical information that exists is consistent with this prediction. Somalia’s Gini coefficient of income for 1997 of 0.4 was lower than in neighboring countries (0.47) and in West Africa (0.45) at the time. The Standardized World Income Inequality Database registers a drop in Somalia’s income inequality in the early 2000s, even though the margins of uncertainty are very considerable. It is hard to know how much weight to give the observation that the income Gini coefficient of 0.43 to 0.46 currently estimated for Somaliland, which is somewhat less bereft of central governance than Somalia was in 1997, is higher as well. Considering the nature of the evidence, we are on firmer ground in relating improvements in other welfare indicators to the demise of a kleptocratic and brutal state: in Barre’s Somalia, government was indeed the problem and not the solution. Leveling through state collapse remains a more elusive issue. Even so, the case of Somalia lends at least a measure of support to the overall argument developed in this chapter.

Chapter 12

For all we can tell, land reform that was not associated with violence one way or another has rarely, if ever, been a potent means of combating inequalities of income and wealth. 

   

  


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· On inequality
· Grass from the old world and t
· 人类的平均寿命能到一百岁吗?
【人口(三)】
· 一个社会人口中位年龄的趋势
· 鼓励生育的政策能提高生育率吗?
· 政府,家庭,和人口结构
· 从无籽西瓜说起
· 从炒股谈起
· The meaning of life
【诗词(七)】
· Edge
· Remember
· The power
· Truth in science and religion
· Happy in the backyard
· 野心
· Gene
· Intend
· RIP
· Nagging from an old man
【语言(八)】
· H, 日和 Helio
· Duo and double means two
· Good, gooder; bad, better
· 相似的形状,相似的读音,相关的
· 家
· 新年话创新
· Language, languish, anguish
· 钟表
· How to learn English effective
· 不通则痛,通则不痛
【科学(六)】
· 请教一个统计学的问题
· 数学及其应用
· On amateur and academic resear
【经济(四)】
· How much we need to save for r
· How pension system destroys ou
· Shall we buy insurance?
· An Entropy Theory of Value
· Total value of gold and some
【音乐】
· Suo Gan
· Mainstream rappers
· A Candle in the Wind
· 缺憾之美
· Swing low
· Going home
· River of no return
· Raw and refined: Two versions
【经济(三)】
· Own something small wholly or
· Money as a performance enhance
· How much we pay for retirement
· How to reduce anxiety over fi
· How to trim a tree or an econo
· A critique of economic theory
· The most depressing (exciting)
· On the concepts of earning, in
· 数学:应用和乐趣 (修订版)
【诗词(六)】
· Spring up and fall down
· Press
· Within and Without
· Verse
· Front
· Heroine and Heroin
· Sterilize
· Win
· Low
· Port
【诗词(五)】
· Pet and Pest
· Ease
· 忘,妄,望
· Seasons
· Envelope and develop
· Sorrow
· Home
· Haze
· Ex and Re
· Edge
【科学(五)】
· Why highly educated women and
· On the concept of perfectness
· Reflection from a riddle
· On averaging denominators
· Integrating mathematical finan
· 苦难是最好的学校
· Read The need for a new public
· The earth is a gigantic batter
【语言(七)】
· 想象和相象
· 汉语和英语读音的相似
· 双字词的来源
· 标致和婊子
· Credible and Incredible
· 英语和汉语类似的构词法
· Lect
· Excite and Incite
· Forget and For Get
· Lax and relax
【杂谈(三)】
· 经纬和泾渭
· Heretics are true believers
· Faith or good deeds
· 养儿还是育女?
· Should adult children stay wit
· 女儿制作的录像
· 儿子唱的rap
· 女儿带着女儿来看我们,写的一段
· Frills
【语言(六)】
· 腿脚和退却
· Copulate, copy, populate
· Emergence and emergency
· I am, I love
· Invent
· Prevent
· Repair
· Tart and top, start and stop
· S is about
· 同样的世界,不同的视角
【诗词(四)】
· On the wisdom of wisdom teeth
· Stalin Rap to Hitler and Mao
· 夕阳
· Sunshine
· Temp
· Longing
· Part
· Omen
· Winter night in the north
· An Old Car
【诗词(三)】
· Snow
· My Dear Sun
· When
· Cut Bank
· When you try
· Winter in the deep north
· 你家的月亮
· Good bye, my friends
· 当生命之火慢慢熄灭
· 公猫
【语言(五)】
· 兴趣,利益和利息
· Over 和 Overture
· Ruler
· Inspire and Expire
· 哥哥的歌
· Rest
· Decadence and decay
· 阀:大人物是干什么的?
· 奴隶的心
· 为什么我们喜欢压韵?
【语言 (四)】
· Screw and screwed
· 黄
· Kind
· Sun and moon
· Free
· Norm, normal and Normans
· Bella and bellum
· Two meanings of like
· What is a theory?
· What is man?
【经济 (二)】
· Reading James Galbraith’s The
· 为他人作嫁衣裳:贸易强国的共同
· 什么是内需不足?
· 关于持续的贸易不平衡
· A long tradition to connect th
· On persistent trade imbalance
· On green economy
· What are rights: Some reflecti
· On Risk Management
· 怎样计算股票的融资成本和预期回
【杂谈 (二)】
· There is more brainwashing in
· 看女儿
· 女儿初为人母
· Weather and climate
· 老三的一篇短文
· When defects become an advanta
· Service of necessities and ser
· 女儿的帖子
· 荷花和塘泥
【科学(四)】
· Predictions in social sciences
· 数学的现状和未来
· Social structures: A perspecti
· 温度和情绪 (temperature and t
· Learning, memory and decision
· The Least Action Principle: It
· When an electron falls to a pr
· 为什么鱼比肉更容易煮熟?
· 一篇关于The Unity of Science a
【诗词(二)】
· I’d rather
· 日暮
· 池塘里的污泥
· Over and under
· Bond and bondage
· 夕阳
· Dandelion
· 早点睡觉
· 在我慢慢褪色的世界里
· 狮的低吟,诗的回声
【语言(三)】
· 相似的单词,不同的意思
· 小米和 millet
· AM is love
· 什么是不够
· Easter: 词的来源
· 论所谓的正能量 (On being posit
· Terr 是土地
· Radical 的意思是什么?
· 努力的奴隶
· Tri 是三
【诗词】
· 风筝:孩子离家
· 篝火
· 落日:致老去的人们
· 杜达尔和玛丽亚
· Deep North
· Driving crazy
· 燃烧和发烧
· 满月的冬夜
· 献给空巢的父母
· Burning and burn out
【健康(三)】
· Mentally stimulating
· On obsessive compulsive disord
· 吃盐和生育
· Ginger and gingerly
· Principle Based Medicine
· Why we need pain?
· 关于自闭症
· 健康的定义
· 针灸的原理
· 情感的守恒定律
【科学(三)】
· 数学及其在社会科学中的应用
· 为什么光线弱的地方会觉得浪漫?
· 美是平均,美是不变的性质
· 颜色和温度
· 简洁就是美
· 栖息之地:健康的树和濒死的树
· 落红不是无情物,化作春泥更护花
· 为什么肥沃的土地上很难找到先锋
· 不平等,效率和系统维护成本
· 生物学的统一理论
【语言(二)】
· 论精美
· 铁 (fer)
· 家
· 我,倭,和,we
· 鹪鹩,娇娆,wren, 人,文
· 牡丹,Botan, Botany
· 人多则移
· 英语中的几个象形词
· 他和它
· 趣味英语:一个不引人注意的前缀
【科学(二)】
· 基因突变不是完全偶然的
· 生物学和生态学的结合
· Energy consumption and cost
· 人类的平均寿命能到一百岁吗?
· 蝴蝶效应并不存在 (兼论偏微分
· 科学与经济学的统一
· 意识: 一个经济学和物理学的理论
· 诺奖得主年龄的变迁
· 学科细分: 社会停滞和衰退的表征
【健康(二)】
· On cortisol and other drugs
· 为什么负氧离子有益健康
· 吃冰和减肥
· 实用生理学
· 为什么晒太阳有好处?
· 为什么练功经常用圆型姿式?
· 脉搏中包含多少信息?
· 外科手术不伤身体吗?
· 头痛医脚
· 怎样才能改善内脏的功能
【人口(二)】
· 政府的法律和自然的法律
· 出生率,平均寿命,生活水平和社
· Holmes stories: The number of
· 个体年龄和社会年龄
· 多子多福
· 人口塌陷: 真正的悲剧
· 华人的高智商和低生育率
· 走出非洲
· 生命就是竞争
· 什么是文化
【人口】
· 聪明的代价:亚当和夏娃的故事
· 为什么大道至简
· 论移民
· 人口问题文章的一个汇总
· 人口警报?
· 人口红利和人口投资
· 多生孩子: 靠政策,还是靠自己?
· 华而不实和春华秋实
· 劝君莫惜金缕衣,劝君惜取少年时
· 政府越大,出生率越低
【政治】
· 关于全民基本收入
· 六四还是六三?
· Iron and blood
· 华人参政不够踊跃吗?
· 谁得益于大政府?兼论美国大选
· 印一百元假钞是犯罪,印一万亿真
· 量化宽松和猪肉注水
· 百年大势和英国脱欧
【杂谈】
· 搭错车
· 龙图腾的含义
· 个体的肥胖和社会的肥胖
· 在什么年纪,做什么事情
· 早晨出行和下午出行
· 男学生在哪里?
· 贱和基本
· 少数的重要性
【经济】
· 效用函数是什么样子的?
· 经济学理论不应该建立在拓扑学基
· 谁是二十世纪最伟大的经济学家?
· 谁是十九世纪最伟大的经济学家?
· 非平衡态经济学理论简介
· 凯恩斯主义适用的环境
· 从日本的负利率谈起
· 关于利率
· 生产过程各要素之间的关系
· 平衡态和非平衡态经济学
【加拿大】
· 一个登山爱好者的历险 (附视频
· 回归
· 海达圭游记
· 天尽头
· 红河谷歌词的变迁
· 洄游的三文鱼
· 碧西(BC)的风景和阿省的风景
· 中加教育比较
【语言】
· 决定和 decide
· 仇的两种读法
· 小儿子教我读书
· 汉语单词的起源
· 舒服和束缚
· 姓张的人为什么这么多?
· 纽,妞,丑,new, 牛
· 姜太公的故事
· 语言的产生和演变
【科学】
· 科学研究:缺的是钱吗?
· 数学:应用和乐趣
· 汉字和科学研究
· 社会生物学与社会
· 有趣的化学
· 蒲公英和科学研究
· 当代没有科学大师吗?
· 数学,美和现实
· 现实世界:理解数学的金钥匙
【健康】
· 按摩脚底为什么这么重要?
· 中医的疗效(续)
· 从蛋白质的不同分解途径看痛风的
· 中医的疗效
· 从哮喘的治疗谈预防
· 实用生理学
· 什么是酸性食物?
· 肥胖和内脏功能
· 呼吸的方法
· 关于抑郁
【科学与经济】
· 阅读The Unity of Science and E
· 信息和熵的等价性
· 知觉的简单和数学的简单
· 一流的研究: 真那么难吗?
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