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中日美比较政策研究所 https://cpri.tripod.com/  
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· Democratic movement and indepe
· 《小学生通俗心理学》, 《少儿心
· 一个共和国教师的历程-【回忆与
· 实地考察America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌㄧㄎㄚ
· 西南师范学院的岁月(1956-60)
· 綦江教育工作纪实1974-2025年
· Shareholder Proposals/股东提案
友好链接
分类目录
【经典哲学译注】
· 希腊哲学原初最主要名字和概念译
· Nietzsche/ㄋㄧㄑㄜ/尼采伦理哲
· ㄆㄌㄚㄊㄛㄣ/Plato/柏拉图的ㄎ
· ㄝㄆㄧㄎㄊㄝㄊㄛㄙ/Epictetus译
· Kant/ㄎㄢㄊ《哲学性神学讲义》
· Plotinus《九章集六卷》基本概念
【希腊经典新译初步】
· 希腊经典新译注
· 亚里士多德《Πολιτικ^
· 作为人类文明创新的希腊思想
· 物理学的起源新译初步
· 新译希腊哲学的初步导引
· 古希腊史新译初步
· 希腊神话新译尝试
· ㄏㄛㄇㄜㄌㄛㄙ史诗中的希腊英雄
· 古希腊城邦共和制
【基督教译注研究】
· 基督教历史神学政治译注V8
· Societas Iesu/Jesuits/ㄧㄝㄙㄨ
· Jesuits/ㄧㄝㄙㄨ/耶稣会与《圣
· 希腊Orthodox/正教译注初步
· Gnosis/ㄍㄋㄛ-ㄙㄧㄙ主义译注初
· 基督教名词转写方法论
· 《新约》“致Philemon/ㄈㄧㄌㄜ
· California/ㄎㄚㄌㄧㄈㄛ-ㄋㄧㄚ
· 《神学大全》第三部译注概要(4/
· 《神学大全》第二部第二部分译注
【犹太神学政治译注论集】
· Zionism: 犹太建国运动-2
· 犹太史译注论
· 对犹太教创始人ㄇㄛㄒㄝ/摩西传
· 《犹太古志》第13卷译注:泛希腊
· 《犹太古志》第12卷译注:希腊化
· 《犹太古志》第11卷译注:重返家
· 《犹太古志》第10卷译注:犹太王
· 《犹太古志》第9卷译注:背离律
· 《犹太古志》第8卷译注:王制的
· 《犹太古志》第7卷译注:几近完
【英国思想研究与新译】
· Britain/ㄅㄌㄧㄊㄞㄣ/不列颠文
· Hume/ㄏㄩㄇ/休谟道德哲学译注
· 第一个全球帝国兴起的简历-V3
· Locke/ㄌㄛ_ㄎ/洛克、词语与书写
· Newton/牛顿的Metaphysics/ㄇㄜ
· 第一个全球帝国的遗产考察
· 第一个近代自由国家的形成
· 英国宪政代议制度的起源初译
· 经济生活中政府的机能
· 社会组织形态的经济原理
【汉文明历史与中国社会政治】
· Democratic movement and indepe
· 《小学生通俗心理学》, 《少儿心
· 一个共和国教师的历程-【回忆与
· 西南师范学院的岁月(1956-60)
· 綦江教育工作纪实1974-2025年
· 毕节地区师范教育前期纪实片段
· 北京师范大学1955-59年纪实片段
· 汉文明及周边群族的书写系统-9
· 汉文明及周边群族的书写系统-8
· 仡佬族语及巴渝方言、吴语的书写
【Renaissance/ㄌㄨㄋㄧㄙㄢㄙ研究】
· 超越文艺复兴的Renaissance/ㄌㄨ
· 人文主义神学的奠基者Erasmus/ㄝ
· 《超越文艺复兴的Renaissance/ㄌ
· Renaissance/ㄌㄨㄋㄧㄙㄢㄙ宗教
· 意大利北中部的宗教艺术风土
· Renaissance/ㄌㄨㄋㄧㄙㄢㄙ时期
· Dante/ㄉㄢㄊㄜ《神圣喜剧》新译
【古罗马研究与新译】
· 罗马文明译注初步-V6
· 老小Plinius/ㄆㄌㄧㄋㄧㄨㄙ/ Pl
· Boethius/ㄅㄛㄝㄊㄧㄨㄙ《哲学
· 追随罗马帝国的遗迹
· Tacitus/ㄊㄚㄎㄧㄊㄨㄙ《历史》
· Josephus《犹太战争》译注
· ㄊㄚㄎㄧㄊㄨㄙ《编年史》翻译概
· 在政治瓦解中新生的共和精神
· 《征服ㄍㄚㄌㄧㄚ战纪》翻译要点
· 罗马神话传说初译
【America/美洲文明译注】
· 实地考察America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌㄧㄎㄚ
· Utah/ㄩㄊㄚ-、Arizona/ㄚㄌㄧㄗ
· 独特的Marine Corps/海兵队
· America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌㄧㄎㄚ/美国历
· 东行漫记:从Mississippi/ㄇㄧㄙ
· South Dakota与America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌ
· 从America’s Heartland/ㄚㄇㄝ
· 脱缰的Federal/ㄈㄝㄉㄌㄚㄦ储备
· 第6次探访America’s Heartland/
· 无可替代的Alaska/ㄚㄌㄚㄙㄎㄚ/
【南亚文明-印度经典-佛教】
· Vietnam/ㄨㄧㄝㄊ•ㄋㄚㄇ/
· 印度文明(含佛教)新译注
· Upanishads/奥义书集的哲学概念
· Upanishads/ㄨㄆㄚㄋㄧㄒㄚㄉ/奥
· 亚洲纪行-0:Mumbai/ㄅㄛㄇㄅㄟ/
· Pakistan/ㄆㄚㄎㄧㄙㄊㄢ政府语
· India/ㄧㄣㄉㄧㄚ/南亚文明简史
· 《大唐西域记》主要地名发音新译
· ㄒㄧㄎ(Sikh锡克)周日礼拜
· 佛教基本概念翻译的新尝试
【Orient/ㄛㄌㄧㄣㄊ与中亚文明】
· Orient/ㄛㄌㄧㄣㄊ与中亚文明译
· Ottoman/ㄛㄙㄇㄢ/奥斯曼帝国前
· “新兴的”Baha’i/ㄅㄚㄏㄚㄧ信
· Sumer/ㄙㄨㄇㄜㄦ/苏美尔文明译
· Sufism/ㄙㄨㄈㄧ/苏菲/伊斯兰神
· Arab/ㄚㄌㄚㄅ-Islam/ㄧㄙㄌㄚㄇ
· Egyptian Magic/埃及ㄇㄚㄐㄧㄎ
· 中亚文明简史新译初步
【社会思想】
· 灵长类行为研究对人类行为的反思
· Weber/ㄨㄟㄅㄚ-/韦伯社会学的基
· 莱布尼茨伦理观的自由主义扩展
· 尼采在政治思想史上的一席之地
· 作为观念与现实的康德至善召唤
· 马克思与马克思主义的问题再考
· 《卡尔·马克思》读后感
· 自由社会秩序中的自然神祇与个人
· 代议制统治原则
· 熊彼特论帝国主义与社会阶级
【近代国际政治】
· 亚洲纪行-9:Marine Francaise/
· 近代Poland/ㄆㄛㄌㄢㄉ/波兰历史
· 解决“六四”悲剧需要民族的集体
· 切:革命英雄主义人性的典范
· 《到芬兰车站》中译本序
· 从天安门到热诺亚
· 以IBM的公司治理推动东亚的正义
· Letter to ASR editor
· 太阳普照之下韩国的地位
· 国家机构的透明化与民主化
【世界历史】
· 《欧洲历史文化思想译注》第五版
· Portugal/ㄆㄛㄦㄊㄨㄍㄚㄦ/葡萄
· 亚洲纪行-4:钓鱼城之战的历史注
· 欧洲历史文化思想译注 第4版
· 早期France/ㄈㄌㄢㄙ/法兰西文明
· Maya/ㄇㄚㄧㄚ, Aztec/ㄚㄗㄊㄝ
· Монгол/Mongol/ㄇㄛㄣㄍㄛ
· Freemasonry/ㄈㄌㄧㄇㄟㄙㄛㄣ起
· 麦基文明背景下伊斯兰的盛衰与启
· 巴黎公社的精神
【企业治理】
· Shareholder Proposals/股东提案
· 维护America/美国来之不易且正在
· 改善Adobe/ㄚㄉㄛㄅㄧ公司高层报
· Shareholder Proposals/股东提案
· Securities and Exchange Commis
· 2025年Juniper Networks董事会民
· 改革Intuitive Surgical高层报酬
· 民主选举Bank of America/ㄚㄇㄝ
· Shareholder Proposals股东提案
· Electronic Arts/电子艺术2025年
【企业治理-2】
· 改革Fox/ㄈㄛㄎㄙ/福克斯公司高
· 改革Fox/ㄈㄛㄎㄙ/福克斯公司高
· 改进Comcast高管薪酬程序的2025
· 2025年BlackRock/黑岩/贝莱德董
· 2025年Berkshire Hathaway股东会
· 改进The Travelers Companies/旅
· 改进Bank of America银行高管薪
· 要求Agilent采纳简单多数投票原
· 继续推动Applied Materials高层
· 2022年Amazon/亚马逊公司董事会
【Shareholder Proposals】
· Corporate Governance through S
· Shareholder Proposals V6
· 2025 stockholder proposal to B
· Proposal to Comcast 2025 meeti
· Proposal to 2025 BlackRock Sha
· Proposal to Intuitive Surgical
· Proposal to 2024 Gilead Stockh
· Charles Schwab Shareholder Pro
· Shareholder Proposal to Bank o
· TRV2024 Proposal to Improve Ex
【Cyrillic/ㄎㄧㄌㄧㄦ/斯拉夫/俄】
· Slav/ㄙㄌㄚㄨ/斯拉夫文明译注
· Ukraina/ㄨㄎㄌㄚㄧㄋㄚ/乌克兰
· 18-19世纪Россия/ㄌㄛ_ㄙ
· Россия/ㄌㄛ_ㄙㄧㄚ/俄罗
· 我与列宁的会见
· 托洛茨基:问题与主义
· “最好的安那祺主义者”(列宁语
· 喀琅施塔得悲剧的教训
· 苏联体制下的政治警察
· 忘记过去就是对历史的背叛
【日本政治、社会研究】
· 日本之行温故知新
· 日语仮名书写系统的汉音元素转写
· 亚洲纪行-7:再访东京
· 纪念“大逆事件”(又称“幸德事
· Asian Regionalism and Japan
· 比较日美中“中产阶级”
· 日本向何处去﹖
· 日本警察当局的组织性犯罪
· 现代日本社会急剧增长的高龄犯罪
· 昭和天皇的战争责任
【安那祺主义Anarchism自由社会主】
· Guillaume/ㄍㄧㄩㄇ/吉约姆的传
· 网络空间的安那祺自由秩序
· 巴黎公社的精神-3
· 国际工人协会的精神和基本原则
· 阿根廷的安那祺-工联主义传统
· 自由之道:国际和公社的忠实门徒
· 马克思与巴枯宁冲突的症结
· 西班牙内战的安那祺主义教训
· 兰道尔对安那祺主义的思想贡献
· 国家权​力与无政府主义
【西班牙内战/历史/文明】
· 西班牙内战的安那祺主义教训
· Spanish/ㄙㄆㄟㄣ/西班牙文明译
· 从宗教艺术透视Spanish/ㄙㄆㄟㄣ
· Spain/ㄙㄆㄟㄣ/西班牙前期文明
· 西班牙内战文献
· 西班牙安那祺运动的历史经验
· 西班牙内战的安那祺主义教训
· 向加泰罗尼亚致敬(摘录)
· 西班牙内战悲剧的教训
· 西班牙内战中的安那祺主义实践
【当代中日关系】
· 亚洲纪行-3:重返日本关西
· 日本政府的信用等级
· 历史资料:请李铁映先生明断
· 钓鱼岛非主权化可解决中日争端/
· 朝日新闻2009年6月8日-日本で旅
· 《雁鸣》编辑部告读者
· 如何翻过当代中日关系史上最黑暗
· 关于钓鱼岛/尖阁诸岛的非主权方
【美日关系相关文献、资料】
· 美日物品与服务相互提供协定
· 美日安全保障协议委员会联合声明
· 驻留日本的美军地位的协议
· 美日安保条约
· “琉球国”钟原来在这里
· 美日M资金备忘录
· 1951年吉田书简(对中政策)
【文明创新/方法论】
· 亚洲纪行/Asian Mission 2023-25
· Hangeul/韩古尔/韩文书写系统初
· 汉音元素词典编译的初步考量
· 中文书写系统里导入汉音元素的方
· 作为nation/ㄋㄟㄒㄣ语言的汉语
· Manchu/满洲文明译注的方法论基
· 亚洲纪行/Asian Mission 2023
· 以汉音元素词母创制少数民族书写
· Esperanto/ㄝㄙㄆㄜㄌㄢㄊㄛ/希
· 作为nation/ㄋㄟㄒㄣ语言的汉语
【韦伯社会主义(译文)等】
· 目前状况下对革命的展望(韦伯)
· 社会主义的路线上的几个问题
· “共产党宣言”批判/韦伯
· 《新教伦理与资本主义精神》读后
· 3、资本主义和社会主义
· 翻译说明, 1 前言, 2 民主主义
【全球化/社会运动】
· 世界水论坛推行水的商业化和私有
· 参与硅谷人权会议的成果
· 参加硅谷人权会议后记
· 国际经济学的政治条件
· 从天安门到热诺亚
· 金融市场全球化的政治条件
· 足球比赛的政治经济学
【美日同盟及其与中国的互动】
· 在IBM股东大会上对安倍访美发出
· 所谓“吉田路线”
· 全球化格局下参与国际新秩序的改
· 奥巴马-安倍联合声明的问题
· 美日关系的基础
· 安保条约的修订及其反对斗争
· 美日安保体制的“再定义”与克林
· 以股东大会推动东亚太平的新途径
· 在日美军地位协议
· 违宪的日本国家军队“自卫队”
【国家形态与社会秩序】
· 国家教育制度与民主主义
· 乌托邦的共产性格
· 国民主权的立法精神
· 近代国家存立的形态规格
· 社会秩序的宗教伦理
· 国家形态与社会秩序/前言
· 《近代诸社会形态之系统》札记
· 熊彼特论帝国主义与社会阶级
【文学与文学评论】
· 亚洲纪行-1:徐志摩纪念馆
· 从诗词中读出什么?
· 我的几个先生(巴金/民国29年版)
· 我的幼年(巴金,民国29年版)
· 克鲁泡特金的亲笔短信
· 三十年代日本文学界民族主义和国
【政治经济学】
【旧文】
· America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌㄧㄎㄚ/美国历
· 亚洲纪行/Asian Mission 2023-25
· Shareholder Proposals股东提案
· 改革Intuitive Surgical高层报酬
· 民主选举Bank of America/ㄚㄇㄝ
· 改进Comcast高管薪酬程序的2025
· America/ㄚㄇㄝㄌㄧㄎㄚ/美国历
· 2025年BlackRock/黑岩(贝莱德)
· Hangeul/韩古尔/韩文书写系统初
· 基督教神学政治译注论V5
存档目录
06/01/2026 - 06/30/2026
05/01/2026 - 05/31/2026
04/01/2026 - 04/30/2026
03/01/2026 - 03/31/2026
02/01/2026 - 02/28/2026
01/01/2026 - 01/31/2026
11/01/2025 - 11/30/2025
10/01/2025 - 10/31/2025
09/01/2025 - 09/30/2025
08/01/2025 - 08/31/2025
07/01/2025 - 07/31/2025
06/01/2025 - 06/30/2025
05/01/2025 - 05/31/2025
04/01/2025 - 04/30/2025
03/01/2025 - 03/31/2025
02/01/2025 - 02/28/2025
01/01/2025 - 01/31/2025
12/01/2024 - 12/31/2024
11/01/2024 - 11/30/2024
10/01/2024 - 10/31/2024
09/01/2024 - 09/30/2024
08/01/2024 - 08/31/2024
07/01/2024 - 07/31/2024
06/01/2024 - 06/30/2024
05/01/2024 - 05/31/2024
03/01/2024 - 03/31/2024
02/01/2024 - 02/29/2024
01/01/2024 - 01/31/2024
12/01/2023 - 12/31/2023
11/01/2023 - 11/30/2023
10/01/2023 - 10/31/2023
09/01/2023 - 09/30/2023
08/01/2023 - 08/31/2023
07/01/2023 - 07/31/2023
06/01/2023 - 06/30/2023
05/01/2023 - 05/31/2023
04/01/2023 - 04/30/2023
03/01/2023 - 03/31/2023
02/01/2023 - 02/28/2023
01/01/2023 - 01/31/2023
12/01/2022 - 12/31/2022
11/01/2022 - 11/30/2022
10/01/2022 - 10/31/2022
09/01/2022 - 09/30/2022
08/01/2022 - 08/31/2022
07/01/2022 - 07/31/2022
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Democratic movement and independent personality
   

"Everyone who wants to be a philosopher must first be a Spinozist." - Hegel

Independent and equal personality is the philosophical basis of human rights, the most important concept in modern society. It is difficult for us to judge the moral merits of letting God manage personality or insisting that personality is inalienable. However, we categorically refuse to let personality be controlled by dissidents (others, political parties, countries, etc.). Human rights, as well as free individuals and democratic organizational forms based on human rights, are the inevitable outcome of the development of modern society. Spinoza's own philosophical contribution was not the greatest, and many people surpassed him. But he practiced his philosophy in his own life. The church offered him a high price to buy him the freedom to express his thoughts, but he flatly refused. Spinoza, who was excommunicated at the age of 24, spent the other half of his life grinding lenses. Russell said: "In the history of philosophy, it is not easy to achieve Spinoza's achievements, and it is impossible to achieve Spinoza's personality."

The so-called democracy is just a way to adapt to modern large-scale organizational forms, and a means to overcome the bureaucratic drawbacks caused by the strict and complex division of labor in large-scale organizational forms. Humans may be able to find a better way to adapt to modern society, but we haven't found it yet. As a means and method, democracy is only an accessory phenomenon of social form and can have different manifestations. Of course, this epiphenomenon is also very meaningful and must be fought for at the cost of life, such as the Tiananmen Incident. However, the independence of personality is an eternal and universal essence that transcends times and regions, rather than a form. Therefore, there is no such concept as "bourgeois personality" and "proletarian personality". The nature of the 1989 Chinese democracy movement, understood in this moral sense, has a value that far exceeds the political requirements of democracy. The so-called "democracy movement leaders" can be understood as "political elites," but the essence of this movement is represented by students who went on hunger strikes and sit-ins, and citizens who blocked tanks. The participation and support of all walks of life are based on the inspiration of personality. It is a pity and tragedy that almost all "democracy leaders" do not have the consensus and quality in this regard, and do not have the strength of personality at all. It is absolutely correct in a moral sense to refuse "help" from forces within the Communist Party during the student movement. Don't accuse students of being "naive". Are there "forces" within the Communist Party that can work together? No!

Of course, most of the broad masses of members of the Communist Party have personalities. How many Communists are there in the million-strong march? There is no need for the democratic movement to raise the slogan "Down with the Communist Party" (it is also unrealistic). However, the so-called "reformist" "bureaucrats within the system" and those "elites" who want to climb up this ladder, although their background and experience make them want to "democracy", because "democracy" can enable them to beg for more power and benefits from Deng Xiaoping. His personality is in no way different from that of the privileged class of the Communist Party.

The "reformers" in my impression are like this: a promising young man who "accidentally" revealed a letter of introduction from the State Council's Restructuring Commission on a crowded train; mysteriously revealed that "I had a long all-night talk with Chen Yizi about China's future" - I didn't know at the time who Chen Yizi was or what his views on China's future were, and that he deserved to be so proud; "Yan Jiaqi asked me to return to China to preside over a newly opened research institute" - I know nothing about Yan Jiaqi's personality. "History of Florence", although innovative, is far from comparable to Machiavelli's "History of Florence", which pioneered modern historiography; at the climax of the movement, he finally "sacrifice himself to join the democratic movement" and had to be a "leader". Once he became famous, he secretly They began to arrange a way out... These people are probably what people refer to as "new authoritarians"! Compared with thousands of "all living beings" students and citizens like Wang Weilin, who is blocking a tank alone, their personalities are worse than dirt!

The so-called debate between "reform within the system" and "reform outside the system" is purely a boring word game. From the perspective of personality, there is no distinction between the general secretary of the Communist Party of China, the vice president of the Communist Party of universities, ordinary civilians, rightists and "counter-revolutionaries". Each of these people promotes the democratization process in his or her own status and way.

Furthermore, the Chinese nation can still progress without these individuals, and without their dedication to the nation, they have no value in existence. How do organizations and individuals who claim to "inherit the spirit of the 1989 Democracy Movement" understand the spirit of the 1989 Democracy Movement? If the "disclosure of factions" listed in the Democratic Front's charter is a prerequisite for a universally recognized and helpless form of social organization, then the actual operation can be said to have made full use of the cover-up that "democracy" can provide. Mr. Sun Yat-sen once required members of the Kuomintang, and the Communist Party also required its members in its early days, to have a higher personality and dedication than ordinary citizens. All those who are engaged in the democratic movement should reflect on themselves. If they cannot do this, there is no need to use the name of "democratic movement". The establishment of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party was far more noble than today's democratic movement. The reason why we stand up against the dictatorship of the Communist Party today is mainly because dictatorship is inevitable and has brought about social corruption and low moral character. We have no interest in fighting for democracy if corruption can be reduced and avoided in any way other than democracy. If we do not have the minimum dedication ourselves, there will be no need to repeat the tragedy of history.

China's modern history has the most glorious records: the founding of Asia's first republic, the first national victory in the fight against aggression, the victory of communism supported by everyone, and the expectations that Mr. Deng Xiaoping brought to the people when he just came out of the Cultural Revolution. But today we finally realize that in this era of rapid development, China has returned to the old path of more than a hundred years ago and started a new "Westernization Movement" with "two basic points" (a hybrid of "reform, opening up" and the "four basic principles"). The fundamental reason for this stagnation is that the independent personality consciousness of the entire nation has not been established. Mr. Feng Youlan, who aspired to be a "contemporary Confucius and Mencius", said in his later years, "How did I go from respecting Confucius to opposing Confucius" and "Mao Zedong Thought is the pinnacle of contemporary Chinese philosophy" are such examples.

Rousseau once distinguished between "general will" and "public will." The general will refers to the will that represents the interests of the entire society, but not necessarily the majority. For example, "political modernization" is the general will; the public will refers to the will expressed by the "majority principle", and its forms vary from the presidential election in the United States to the "all stand" method of Taiwan's Kuomintang to recommend candidates. Since China has no basis for individual independent personality, it is impossible to talk about the form of "general will". Therefore, although every Chinese person sometimes has an intellectual advantage over foreigners alone, he cannot escape the fate of the decline of the entire civilization. Sadly, the democratic movement has always been stuck at the level of "public opinion" (although it is far from the level of parliamentary democracy in Europe and the United States), entangled in issues such as interpersonal relationships and methods of action. The goal of the democratic movement is to transform the general will into public opinion. Without the formation of an independent personality consciousness, the democratic movement will only repeat the history of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party: growing due to moral inspiration and collapsing due to moral corruption, and the democratic movement organizations will become institutions that serve the interests of their own groups and seek personal gains for the upper class. The spirit of the 1989 Chinese democracy movement is the awakening and revival of the moral consciousness of national rejuvenation. It once again calls for the formation of an independent personality consciousness of the Chinese nation to meet the challenges of the development of modern social civilization. For this reason, I want to speak loudly:

Everyone who engages in the democratic movement must first be a Spinozist!

[Jing Zhao, first published in the July 1990 issue of "Democratic China" monthly in Tokyo]


 
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