约瑟夫·博斯科（Joseph Bosco），曾于2005年至2006年担任美国国防部长中国事务主任，并于2009年至2010年担任亚太地区人道援助与救灾事务主任。他现为韩美研究所（Institute for Corean-American Studies）非驻所研究员、全球台湾研究中心（Global Taiwan Institute）顾问委员会成员以及范登堡联盟（Vandenberg Coalition）顾问委员会成员。昨日7月15日上午，博斯科先生在《国会山报》发文呼吁川普总统－－“以强硬的乌克兰、伊朗和台湾政策纪念林赛·格雷厄姆”：

“你手里没有牌。”去年2月那场灾难性的白宫会晤中，川普总统轻蔑地对乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基（Volodymyr Zelensky）说道。副总统J.D.万斯（JD Vance）和川普一起严厉斥责了这位身陷困境的乌克兰领导人。

如今，在上周于土耳其安卡拉举行的北约峰会之后，那一令人羞耻的外交时刻仿佛已经成为地缘政治上遥远的往事。川普将此次峰会形容为充满盟友间“团结”和“友爱”的会议。

川普与泽连斯基之间流露出的相互尊重、甚至近乎友好的关系尤为引人注目。两人在峰会上互相表达了赞赏之意。川普对这位身材并不高大的乌克兰领导人重新产生敬意，在很大程度上源于他公开表现出的一个特点：鄙视他眼中的“失败者”，而对公认的胜利者——无论是在体育领域还是国际强权政治中——则充满钦佩，甚至近乎崇拜。

如果川普没有注意到乌克兰战场局势正明显朝着不利于残暴俄罗斯侵略者的方向发展，那他就必定是完全视而不见、而且政治上极其迟钝。这种对新现实的认识，也体现在他在北约会议上的表现中。

乌克兰能够在战场上逐步将俄军逼退，其主要功劳属于泽连斯基以及他那些无比勇敢、热爱自由的国民。同时，正如泽连斯基本人坦率承认的那样，西方提供的武器支持，也是乌克兰能够顶住俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京（Vladimir Putin）猛烈攻势的关键因素。

然而，共和党联邦参议员林赛·格雷厄姆（Lindsey Graham）上周末突然不幸去世，使乌克兰失去了美国政府中最直言不讳、也是最重要的支持者之一。

格雷厄姆对乌克兰战争所具有的道义和战略意义有着深刻理解，而他与川普之间密切的政治和私人关系，无疑促使美国总统对乌克兰持有更加积极的态度，并对普京采取了更加强硬的措辞。川普表示，普京和泽连斯基都希望战争结束。当然，他没有提到的是，双方都希望按照各自完全相反的条件结束战争。乌克兰希望俄罗斯停止入侵和蹂躏自己的国家；而俄罗斯军队则是在普京的直接命令下继续作战，直到乌克兰屈服。

格雷厄姆上周曾前往基辅会见泽连斯基。他表示，自己从未像现在这样乐观地认为战争能够找到解决方案。他还对自己一直推动的两党法案顺利通过充满信心。该法案旨在对那些仍然购买俄罗斯石油和天然气的国家实施制裁。如果他的突然离世阻碍了法案获得通过，那将构成普京以及支持俄罗斯征服乌克兰的一小撮专制、反西方国家——即中国、朝鲜和伊朗——的一次重大胜利。同时，这也将证明针对西方价值观和利益发动的这场多条战线、非核战争是有效的。

为了应对这一由莫斯科和北京主导的战略，并纪念格雷厄姆，川普应当在美国对乌政策上全力以赴，加快与乌克兰分享“爱国者”导弹技术，使乌克兰能够深入打击俄罗斯境内的重要军事目标和军民两用目标。他还应公开宣布，并私下告知普京，美国将毫无保留地致力于维护乌克兰的军事安全和政治独立，并将采取一切必要措施推动实现这些目标。

与此同时，川普还应通过协调实施一场军事与民事并行的伊朗政权更迭行动，以及向台湾提供其遏制并击败中国对台湾发动入侵或实施封锁所需的一切支持，从而挫败普京与习近平推行的转移注意力、推卸责任和制造分裂战略。

这些同步推进的任务将代价高昂，而且充满危险——正如当年盟国同时面对纳粹德国、法西斯意大利和日本帝国挑战时一样。但从长远来看，这些代价将远远低于放任新的邪恶轴心取得成功所付出的代价。作为川普的朋友、政治顾问和国家安全知己，格雷厄姆一定会认为，只有川普能够团结美国及其盟友，完成这一使命。

格雷厄姆坚定支持川普关于“伊朗永远不会拥有核武器”的承诺。根据与伊朗伊斯兰共和国打交道半个世纪的历史经验，唯一能够确保这一目标实现的方法，就是清除这个狂热且具有末日思想的政权，因为这个政权存在的根本理由以及执政原则，正体现在这样一句口号之中：“消灭以色列，消灭美国。”

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Trump should honor Lindsey Graham with strong Ukraine, Iran and Taiwan policies 

Joseph Bosco, Joseph Bosco served as China country director for the secretary of Defense from 2005 to 2006 and as Asia-Pacific director of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief from 2009 to 2010. He is a nonresident fellow at the Institute for Corean-American Studies, a member of the advisory board of the Global Taiwan Institute and member of the advisory board of the Vandenberg Coalition.

07/15/26 10:00 AM ET

“You don’t have the cards,” President Trump scornfully told President Volodymyr Zelensky during his disastrous White House meeting last February. Vice President JD Vance and Trump lambasted the embattled Ukrainian leader.

Today, that shameful diplomatic moment seems geopolitical light years away after last week’s NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, which Trump described as full of allied “unity” and “love.”

The mutual respect and near-affection was most notable between Trump and Zelensky, who exchanged admiring comments at the event. Trump’s newfound respect for the diminutive Ukrainian stems in no small part from his publicly stated disdain for perceived “losers” and admiration, almost adulation, for acclaimed winners, whether in sports or international power politics.

Trump would have to be entirely blind and politically obtuse not to have noticed that the tide of war in Ukraine is turning decisively against the brutal Russian invaders. That sense of a new reality was reflected in his performance at the NATO meeting. 

The bulk of the credit for Ukraine’s battlefield success in pushing the Russians incrementally back belongs to Zelensky and his incredibly brave, freedom-loving citizens. It is also true, as Zelensky readily acknowledges, that the West’s weapons support has been instrumental in enabling Ukraine to hold its own against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s onslaught.

But the tragic sudden death of Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) over the weekend deprives Ukraine of one of its most vocal and most important supporters in the U.S. government.

Graham’s understanding of the moral and strategic implications of the war in Ukraine, and his close political and personal relationship with Trump, undoubtedly contributed to the U.S. president’s more positive attitude toward Ukraine and his firmer tone toward Putin. Trump said that both Putin and Zelensky wanted the war over. Of course, he neglected to say that each wants it ended on his own terms, diametrically opposite one another. Ukraine wants Russia to stop invading and brutalizing its country. Russian troops are under Putin’s direct orders to keep fighting until Ukraine capitulates.

Graham, who visited with Zelensky last week in Kiev, said he was never more optimistic that a solution is achievable. He also expressed good feelings about the prospects on passage of the bipartisan legislation he was pushing to impose sanctions on countries still buying Russian oil and gas. If his untimely death were to impede passage, it would constitute a major victory for Putin and the small coterie of autocratic, anti-Western countries supporting Russia’s conquest of Ukraine — that is, China, North Korea and Iran. And it would validate the effectiveness of the multi-front, non-nuclear campaign against Western values and interests.

To combat that Moscow- and Beijing-led strategy, and to honor Graham’s memory, Trump should pull out all the stops on U.S.-Ukraine policy by expediting Patriot technology-sharing with Ukraine to enable it to strike deep into Russia against key military and dual-use targets. He should also declare publicly, and advise Putin privately, that the United States is unequivocally committed to Ukraine’s military security and political independence and will do whatever is necessary to further those objectives.

At the same time, Trump should defeat the Putin-Xi Jinping strategy of distraction, deflection and division by coordinating on a military-civilian campaign of regime change in Iran, as well as by providing all that Taiwan needs to deter and defeat a Chinese invasion or blockade of Taiwan.

These simultaneous tasks will be costly and dangerous — as when the Allies confronted challenges from Nazi Germany, fascist Italy and Imperial Japan. But they will be far less costly in the long run than allowing the new axis of evil to succeed. Graham, Trump’s friend, political adviser and national security confidante, would argue that only Trump can rally America and its allies to pull it off.

Graham strongly supported Trump’s commitment that Iran will never possess a nuclear weapon. Given a half-century of history with the Islamic Republic, the only way that can be assured is by the removal of the fanatic and apocalyptic regime whose very raison d’etre and governing principles are expressed in the words: “Death to Israel, Death to America.”